TO COMMENT CLICK HERE
GESTAPO USA
TO SERVE AND PROTECT SOME OF US
july 2022
MICHAEL WOOD: We have a culture that from the beginning has been disproportionate and been oppressive to persons of color, and women, and other minorities. We have a system in which criminal justice is an oxymoron. We have a society that trumps up the second amendment as this big right that we have and that right is to have this weaponry so cops can be killed. That’s literally the purpose of the second amendment. And we have state sanctioned murder all over the country with a blue wall of silence and justice not being done. So I’m completely baffled by why anyone is surprised by all of this.
Why Cops Kill Black People: Research Suggests a Troubling Pattern of 'Retaliatory Violence'
Chauncey DeVega / Salon
The story of race in America is a story of change, and a story of things remaining the same. To measure our progress, or lack thereof, all we need to do is to look at how America's police treat the public, and look in turn at who fills the prison cells -- and all too often the cemeteries.
in the headlines
RESEARCH SHOWS THAT ARRESTS FOR SERIOUS CRIMES ARE QUITE RARE.
POLICE SOLVE JUST 2% OF ALL MAJOR CRIMES(ARTICLE BELOW)
*POLICE RIP BLACK MAN'S PROSTHETIC LEG OFF DURING VIOLENT TRAFFIC STOP: 'IT'S LIKE SOMEONE RIPPING OFF YOUR SKIN'(ARTICLE BELOW)
*HISTORIAN: BLACK DISTRUST OF THE POLICE IS ABOUT MORE THAN ACTS OF VIOLENCE
(ARTICLE BELOW)
*‘In a Defenseless Position’: South Carolina Cop Charged After Stomping Black Man’s Head Into Concrete Thanks to 911 Caller Mistaking the Man’s Stick for a Weapon
(ARTICLE BELOW)
*5 police officers face criminal charges in hotel beating of Black men
(ARTICLE BELOW)
*NEW REPORT FINDS POLICE-PERPETRATED KILLINGS IN 2020 WERE VASTLY UNDERREPORTED
(ARTICLE BELOW)
*PRO-COP PAC TRIED TO FUNDRAISE BY BLAMING GEORGE FLOYD FOR HIS OWN DEATH
(ARTICLE BELOW)
*CALLING CHAUVIN A “BAD APPLE” DENIES SYSTEMIC NATURE OF RACIST POLICE VIOLENCE
(ARTICLE BELOW)
*THE LITTLE KNOWN, RACIST HISTORY OF THE 911 EMERGENCY CALL SYSTEM
(ARTICLE BELOW)
*POLICE ARE 3 TIMES MORE LIKELY TO USE VIOLENCE AGAINST LEFTIST PROTESTERS THAN FAR-RIGHT: ANALYSIS(ARTICLE BELOW)
*UNREDACTED FBI DOCUMENT SHEDS NEW LIGHT ON WHITE SUPREMACIST INFILTRATION OF LAW ENFORCEMENT(ARTICLE BELOW)
*US Cops Are Treating White Militias as “Heavily Armed Friendlies”
(ARTICLE BELOW)
*MULTIPLE BOSTON COPS ARRESTED FOR ‘STEALING TAXPAYER MONEY’ OVER THE COURSE OF SEVERAL YEARS(ARTICLE BELOW)
*WHITE SUPREMACISTS AND MILITIAS HAVE INFILTRATED POLICE ACROSS US, REPORT SAYS
(ARTICLE BELOW)
*Cops unleash dog on Black man even though he was kneeling with his hands up
(ARTICLE BELOW)
*NYPD admits it’s used unmarked vehicles to apprehend suspects for “decades” after “disturbing” video(ARTICLE BELOW)
*NYPD DISAPPEARED BLACK LIVES MATTER PROTESTERS INTO DETENTION FOR DAYS AT A TIME. LAWMAKERS WANT TO END THE PRACTICE.(ARTICLE BELOW)
*The psychology of police violence: What makes so many cops have racial biases?
(ARTICLE BELOW)
*Cop fired after racist remarks caught on tape “forgot” to disclose criminal record to department(ARTICLE BELOW)
*How Starbucks, Target, Google and Microsoft quietly fund police through private donations(ARTICLE BELOW)
*A Buffalo police officer says she stopped a fellow cop's chokehold on a black suspect. She was fired.(ARTICLE BELOW)
*We found 85,000 cops who’ve been investigated for misconduct. Now you can read their records.(excerpt below)
*Police Are Building Surveillance Networks of Private Security Cameras in Cities
(ARTICLE BELOW)
*If you’re surprised by how the police are acting, you don’t understand US history
(ARTICLE BELOW)
*US POLICE HAVE A HISTORY OF VIOLENCE AGAINST BLACK PEOPLE. WILL IT EVER STOP?
(ARTICLE BELOW)
*Suspected Looter Was Kneeling and Had a Hammer, Not a Gun, When Fatally Shot By Vallejo Police(ARTICLE BELOW)
*LOUISVILLE POLICE LEFT THE BODY OF DAVID MCATEE ON THE STREET FOR 12 HOURS
(ARTICLE BELOW)
*Policing in the US is not about enforcing law. It’s about enforcing white supremacy
(ARTICLE BELOW)
*Police officer: It’s ‘unfortunate’ not all Black people were killed by coronavirus
(ARTICLE BELOW)
*Early Data Shows Black People Are Being Disproportionally Arrested for Social Distancing Violations(ARTICLE BELOW)
*California City Was Accused of Police Brutality Weeks Before Cop Beat Black Teen
(ARTICLE BELOW)
*The racist roots of American policing: From slave patrols to traffic stops
(ARTICLE BELOW)
*GESTAPO USA FUNNIES(below)
from the past: wasting money on incompetence!!!
Research shows that arrests for serious crimes are quite rare.
Police solve just 2% of all major crimes
BLAKE NISSEN - the conversation
Published: August 20, 2020 8.18am EDT
As Americans across the nation protest police violence, people have begun to call for cuts or changes in public spending on police. But neither these nor other proposed reforms address a key problem with solving crimes.
My recent review of 50 years of national crime data confirms that, as police report, they don’t solve most serious crimes in America. But the real statistics are worse than police data show. In the U.S. it’s rare that a crime report leads to police arresting a suspect who is then convicted of the crime.
The data show that consistently over the decades, fewer than half of serious crimes are reported to police. Few, if any arrests are made in those cases.
In reality, about 11% of all serious crimes result in an arrest, and about 2% end in a conviction. Therefore, the number of people police hold accountable for crimes – what I call the “criminal accountability” rate – is very low.
Many crimes aren’t reported
Police can only work on solving crimes they are aware of, and can only report statistics about their work based on criminal behavior they know about. But there is a huge slice of crime police never find out about.
By comparing surveys of the public with police reports, it’s clear that less than half of serious violent felonies – crimes like aggravated assault and burglary – ever get reported to the police.
Real arrest rates
In 2018, the rate of arrest for serious felony crimes reported to police was about 22%. But because twice as many crimes happen as the police are told about, the arrest rate for all crimes that happened was half what police reported – just 11%.
Real conviction rates
The official percentage of serious crimes where a person is actually convicted is even lower, though data is hard to confirm. The Bureau of Justice Statistics has not reported national conviction rates for serious crimes since 2006 – but in that year, out of all serious crimes reported to the police, only 4.1% of cases ended with an individual convicted in the wake of a reported crime.
Again, taking into account the fact that twice as many crimes happen, the national conviction rate in 2006 was actually closer to 2%.
Resolving crimes without arrests
There are ways police resolve conflicts and crimes without arresting people – for instance, by mediating neighborhood disputes and directing wayward young people to social services and community programs. But so long as police departments measure success by arrests, that won’t happen more widely.
When considering approaches to police reform, it’s important to remember that Americans still don’t report about half of major crimes – and police don’t solve very many of the cases that do get reported. Truly improving policing will require addressing these two gaps.
My recent review of 50 years of national crime data confirms that, as police report, they don’t solve most serious crimes in America. But the real statistics are worse than police data show. In the U.S. it’s rare that a crime report leads to police arresting a suspect who is then convicted of the crime.
The data show that consistently over the decades, fewer than half of serious crimes are reported to police. Few, if any arrests are made in those cases.
In reality, about 11% of all serious crimes result in an arrest, and about 2% end in a conviction. Therefore, the number of people police hold accountable for crimes – what I call the “criminal accountability” rate – is very low.
Many crimes aren’t reported
Police can only work on solving crimes they are aware of, and can only report statistics about their work based on criminal behavior they know about. But there is a huge slice of crime police never find out about.
By comparing surveys of the public with police reports, it’s clear that less than half of serious violent felonies – crimes like aggravated assault and burglary – ever get reported to the police.
Real arrest rates
In 2018, the rate of arrest for serious felony crimes reported to police was about 22%. But because twice as many crimes happen as the police are told about, the arrest rate for all crimes that happened was half what police reported – just 11%.
Real conviction rates
The official percentage of serious crimes where a person is actually convicted is even lower, though data is hard to confirm. The Bureau of Justice Statistics has not reported national conviction rates for serious crimes since 2006 – but in that year, out of all serious crimes reported to the police, only 4.1% of cases ended with an individual convicted in the wake of a reported crime.
Again, taking into account the fact that twice as many crimes happen, the national conviction rate in 2006 was actually closer to 2%.
Resolving crimes without arrests
There are ways police resolve conflicts and crimes without arresting people – for instance, by mediating neighborhood disputes and directing wayward young people to social services and community programs. But so long as police departments measure success by arrests, that won’t happen more widely.
When considering approaches to police reform, it’s important to remember that Americans still don’t report about half of major crimes – and police don’t solve very many of the cases that do get reported. Truly improving policing will require addressing these two gaps.
Police rip Black man's prosthetic leg off during violent traffic stop: 'It's like someone ripping off your skin'
Sky Palma - RAW STORY
February 15, 2022
A New York man with a prosthetic leg is seeking millions in damages from the Suffolk County Police Department, saying he was wrongfully arrested and injured by officers. He also claims officers ripped off his leg and threw it in the trunk of a police cruiser, NBC New York reports.
Waverly Lucas says he was pulled over by officers who demanded his identification and accused him of public urination. Lucas refused to provide his ID and began recording the incident on Facebook Live. That's when he said police assaulted him while trying to detain him.
"To rip that off, it's like someone ripping off your skin," Lucas said, speaking of his prosthetic leg. "Because it's like it's almost glued to my skin."
According to Lucas's attorney, the only explanation for him being pulled over is the fact that he's Black.
Waverly Lucas says he was pulled over by officers who demanded his identification and accused him of public urination. Lucas refused to provide his ID and began recording the incident on Facebook Live. That's when he said police assaulted him while trying to detain him.
"To rip that off, it's like someone ripping off your skin," Lucas said, speaking of his prosthetic leg. "Because it's like it's almost glued to my skin."
According to Lucas's attorney, the only explanation for him being pulled over is the fact that he's Black.
Historian: Black distrust of the police is about more than acts of violence
History News Network
November 08, 2021
We're supposed to be living in a time of racial reckoning. After the world watched George Floyd's excruciating street execution, over and over, there emerged a groundswell of support for antiracist work throughout society in the spring and summer of 2020. Reforming policing and reining in its obvious excesses became one of the most immediate goals.
In the last place that George Floyd called home, a majority of Minneapolis City Council members initially pledged, loudly, to dismantle the Minneapolis Police Department, which turned into a modest budget cut. Disappointed activists put the question of replacing the police department with a department of public safety to voters this Election Day, and it failed. A yearlong, bipartisan police reform effort in Congress collapsed, producing nothing at all. Various states and localities have implemented reforms, such as limiting chokeholds or making police complaints publicly available, almost singularly focused on reducing violence and death at the hands of police.
This makes perfect sense, especially given the prevalence of these deaths caught on video in recent years, and the stark horror of watching people lose their lives, often in circumstances that are questionable, at best. However, policing's racial problem is age-old, and goes well beyond physical violence as I document in my new study of structural racism in New York in the 1950s and 1960s, The Harlem Uprising - Segregation and Inequality in Postwar New York City. If we don't understand the history, we miss the long legacy of distrust that people of color, particularly Black people, feel toward the police. And beginning and ending at beatings and shootings leaves us with a severely incomplete understanding of what is and has been wrong.
In July, a white NYPD lieutenant, with nearly two decades on the job and well over a dozen commendations for outstanding police work, including four for disarming men with guns, shot and killed a fifteen-year-old Black boy. He said the youngster came at him with a knife, even when the officer announced himself, even after he shot the boy the first time. Witnesses disputed the officer's account, and there was no video. A grand jury declined to indict the lieutenant, and the department ruled the shooting justified.
You may have heard about this one, but probably not, because it was in 1964. The boy was James Powell, Thomas Gilligan his killer. As for who believed this story, the New York Amsterdam News, the city's oldest Black newspaper wrote that "Nobody in Harlem does." In 1964, that was understood to mean Black New Yorkers did not trust the NYPD's version of events. They had little reason to.
The NYPD in the mid-1960s was thoroughly corrupt, racist and violent. Officers, individually and collectively, reserved their worst behavior for the city's segregated Black neighborhoods, like Harlem, Bedford-Stuyvesant and Brownsville. Taking bribes from building contractors, tow truck drivers, funeral directors and defense lawyers was as much a part of the job as clocking in. They ran protection rackets on sex traffickers and heroin dealers, generating substantial weekly payments that would be split among the men working these patrols, and required local businesses to pay smaller amounts, which would be divvied up and spread around the local precinct. To anyone skeptical, read the Knapp Commission's report.
Police in the city treated Black neighborhoods, especially Harlem, as crime reservations, containment areas for drugs, gambling and sex work. It's not that the NYPD, from rank-and-file high up into the executive corps, permitted these illicit industries to exist. Instead, they worked hard to make sure these outlets of misery and ruin flourished, both out of selfish financial motives and racial spite, given that the NYPD was 95 percent white. Multiple memoirs from men on the force during this time establish that they worked with "a deep sea of racism and bitterness, poison and untamed cruelty in our souls."
And yes, the police were also violent, ranging from arbitrary roughness on the street, to sadistic squad room beatings, to shootings. Of course Black New Yorkers opposed this. But they also wanted safer communities, which the NYPD assiduously denied them. They had to live with all manner of random street crime, especially that which is concomitant with an impoverished neighborhood rife with addiction. More policing and less police violence and discourtesy are not mutually exclusive, or at least they should not be.
Some of this behavior has changed. It is much more difficult for police departments today to be so outwardly corrupt that they effectively act as untouchable criminal organizations. But many aspects remain. Police departments across the country have long used drivers as ATMs to fund local budgets, frequently targeting Black motorists for heightened enforcement of minor traffic laws. Not only do these stops engender bitterness, but the resulting fines also threaten to financially ruin people already living on the edge, and too often escalate into totally unnecessary shows of force. Ticket and arrest quotas demand that people be brought into the criminal justice system without good reason.
The racist assumption that Black and Brown men are more likely to be up to no good led to the explosion of stop-and-frisk in New York City, a practice the state approved in 1965. For decades, the police practiced the on-street search of someone who aroused an officer's suspicion, including "furtive movements" or simply being in a location with a high crime rate. The number of these searches peaked at 685,724 in 2011. Since 2014, the department instructed officers to only detain people when they have a strong suspicion of criminal activity, and the numbers dropped into the five-figure range.
For the last two decades, ninety percent of those officers detained were Black or Latinx, though the city is about 45 percent white. Ninety percent were released, having been found not engaging in or possessing anything illegal. Put another way, the NYPD was stopping and frisking tens of to hundreds of thousands of people, every year, who were doing nothing illegal. There is no evidence the practice measurably reduces crime.
The police also lie, from the smallest to the direst of matters, and courts side disproportionately with an officer's word. Officer Michael Slager of North Charleston, South Carolina, said he feared for his life because Walter Scott had taken his Taser and Slager "felt threatened." In reality, Slager had tased Scott after a physical altercation; Scott then ran away, unarmed, and Slager shot him in the back five times, killing him. But again, this is just a recent example of a very old practice, and perhaps one of the worst examples of a "cover charge," or a false accusation after the fact that permits officers to brutalize and arrest or kill someone. If the victim survives and complains, who believes an alleged felon?
Policing has been in need of reform since its inception. Changes have come, but they've been slow, and significant numbers of people, disproportionately Black and Brown, have experienced and continue to experience discourtesy, bigotry, false allegations, and violence. The outrage we saw explode in 2020 shouldn't have surprised anyone. If anything, we should be surprised the streets of America had been so quiet before.
People of color, and Black people in particular, have always experienced justice differently in this country. Distrust toward the police is multigenerational, and not the result of one violent act, or Marxist agitation, or exposure to rap lyrics. Until we fundamentally reimagine what policing looks like in this country, this situation seems unlikely to change.
In the last place that George Floyd called home, a majority of Minneapolis City Council members initially pledged, loudly, to dismantle the Minneapolis Police Department, which turned into a modest budget cut. Disappointed activists put the question of replacing the police department with a department of public safety to voters this Election Day, and it failed. A yearlong, bipartisan police reform effort in Congress collapsed, producing nothing at all. Various states and localities have implemented reforms, such as limiting chokeholds or making police complaints publicly available, almost singularly focused on reducing violence and death at the hands of police.
This makes perfect sense, especially given the prevalence of these deaths caught on video in recent years, and the stark horror of watching people lose their lives, often in circumstances that are questionable, at best. However, policing's racial problem is age-old, and goes well beyond physical violence as I document in my new study of structural racism in New York in the 1950s and 1960s, The Harlem Uprising - Segregation and Inequality in Postwar New York City. If we don't understand the history, we miss the long legacy of distrust that people of color, particularly Black people, feel toward the police. And beginning and ending at beatings and shootings leaves us with a severely incomplete understanding of what is and has been wrong.
In July, a white NYPD lieutenant, with nearly two decades on the job and well over a dozen commendations for outstanding police work, including four for disarming men with guns, shot and killed a fifteen-year-old Black boy. He said the youngster came at him with a knife, even when the officer announced himself, even after he shot the boy the first time. Witnesses disputed the officer's account, and there was no video. A grand jury declined to indict the lieutenant, and the department ruled the shooting justified.
You may have heard about this one, but probably not, because it was in 1964. The boy was James Powell, Thomas Gilligan his killer. As for who believed this story, the New York Amsterdam News, the city's oldest Black newspaper wrote that "Nobody in Harlem does." In 1964, that was understood to mean Black New Yorkers did not trust the NYPD's version of events. They had little reason to.
The NYPD in the mid-1960s was thoroughly corrupt, racist and violent. Officers, individually and collectively, reserved their worst behavior for the city's segregated Black neighborhoods, like Harlem, Bedford-Stuyvesant and Brownsville. Taking bribes from building contractors, tow truck drivers, funeral directors and defense lawyers was as much a part of the job as clocking in. They ran protection rackets on sex traffickers and heroin dealers, generating substantial weekly payments that would be split among the men working these patrols, and required local businesses to pay smaller amounts, which would be divvied up and spread around the local precinct. To anyone skeptical, read the Knapp Commission's report.
Police in the city treated Black neighborhoods, especially Harlem, as crime reservations, containment areas for drugs, gambling and sex work. It's not that the NYPD, from rank-and-file high up into the executive corps, permitted these illicit industries to exist. Instead, they worked hard to make sure these outlets of misery and ruin flourished, both out of selfish financial motives and racial spite, given that the NYPD was 95 percent white. Multiple memoirs from men on the force during this time establish that they worked with "a deep sea of racism and bitterness, poison and untamed cruelty in our souls."
And yes, the police were also violent, ranging from arbitrary roughness on the street, to sadistic squad room beatings, to shootings. Of course Black New Yorkers opposed this. But they also wanted safer communities, which the NYPD assiduously denied them. They had to live with all manner of random street crime, especially that which is concomitant with an impoverished neighborhood rife with addiction. More policing and less police violence and discourtesy are not mutually exclusive, or at least they should not be.
Some of this behavior has changed. It is much more difficult for police departments today to be so outwardly corrupt that they effectively act as untouchable criminal organizations. But many aspects remain. Police departments across the country have long used drivers as ATMs to fund local budgets, frequently targeting Black motorists for heightened enforcement of minor traffic laws. Not only do these stops engender bitterness, but the resulting fines also threaten to financially ruin people already living on the edge, and too often escalate into totally unnecessary shows of force. Ticket and arrest quotas demand that people be brought into the criminal justice system without good reason.
The racist assumption that Black and Brown men are more likely to be up to no good led to the explosion of stop-and-frisk in New York City, a practice the state approved in 1965. For decades, the police practiced the on-street search of someone who aroused an officer's suspicion, including "furtive movements" or simply being in a location with a high crime rate. The number of these searches peaked at 685,724 in 2011. Since 2014, the department instructed officers to only detain people when they have a strong suspicion of criminal activity, and the numbers dropped into the five-figure range.
For the last two decades, ninety percent of those officers detained were Black or Latinx, though the city is about 45 percent white. Ninety percent were released, having been found not engaging in or possessing anything illegal. Put another way, the NYPD was stopping and frisking tens of to hundreds of thousands of people, every year, who were doing nothing illegal. There is no evidence the practice measurably reduces crime.
The police also lie, from the smallest to the direst of matters, and courts side disproportionately with an officer's word. Officer Michael Slager of North Charleston, South Carolina, said he feared for his life because Walter Scott had taken his Taser and Slager "felt threatened." In reality, Slager had tased Scott after a physical altercation; Scott then ran away, unarmed, and Slager shot him in the back five times, killing him. But again, this is just a recent example of a very old practice, and perhaps one of the worst examples of a "cover charge," or a false accusation after the fact that permits officers to brutalize and arrest or kill someone. If the victim survives and complains, who believes an alleged felon?
Policing has been in need of reform since its inception. Changes have come, but they've been slow, and significant numbers of people, disproportionately Black and Brown, have experienced and continue to experience discourtesy, bigotry, false allegations, and violence. The outrage we saw explode in 2020 shouldn't have surprised anyone. If anything, we should be surprised the streets of America had been so quiet before.
People of color, and Black people in particular, have always experienced justice differently in this country. Distrust toward the police is multigenerational, and not the result of one violent act, or Marxist agitation, or exposure to rap lyrics. Until we fundamentally reimagine what policing looks like in this country, this situation seems unlikely to change.
‘In a Defenseless Position’: South Carolina Cop Charged After Stomping Black Man’s Head Into Concrete Thanks to 911 Caller Mistaking the Man’s Stick for a Weapon
Niara Savage | atlanta black star
August 7, 2021
The South Carolina officer filmed stomping a Black man’s head into concrete in late July has been fired and charged with first-degree assault and battery, according to the South Carolina Law Enforcement Division.
Orangeburg Department of Public Safety Officer David Lance Dukes, 38, was fired after internal officials reviewed body camera footage of the July 26 incident, during which Dukes stomped 58-year-old Clarence Gailyard’s head while the man was on his hands and knees.
“Every time I look in the mirror, I see the scar on my forehead, and it’s not OK. The only thing I want the community to do is change,” Gailyard said Tuesday alongside his attorney Justin Bamberg.
On July 26, Gailyard was walking with his stick that he carries in case a dog approaches him. He also walks with a cane often and often moves slowly as a result of pins and rods in his leg from being hit by a vehicle on a bicycle, Bamberg said.
Someone called 911 thinking the stick Gailyard was holding was a gun. Dukes arrived and ordered Gailyard to the ground but the man wasn’t physically able to immediately comply. While he was on his hands and knees, Dukes stomped Gailyard’s head, causing it to hit the concrete.
“Officer Dukes then approached the victim, who was on his hands and knees. While the victim was in a defenseless position on his hands and knees, Officer Dukes raised his right leg and forcibly stomped with his boot on the victim’s neck and/or head area. The force of the blow caused the victim’s head to strike the concrete. The victim suffered a contusion to his forehead and was transported by EMS,” says a warrant from the state law enforcement division.
Bamberg released an eight-second video of the incident taken by a bystander, as well as body camera footage, which was played during the press conference. Dukes was fired two days after the incident, then charged days later.
The body camera footage is from another officer on the scene and shows the aftermath of the incident.
“You threw me down!” Gailyard said.
“I sure did,” Dukes replied. “You wasn’t listening.”
Officer Aqkwele Polidore, who was also on the scene, spoke up and told a sergeant who arrived later that Gailyard was lying about what had happened. Body camera footage shows Dukes speaking to a sergeant about what happened, leaving out the part about him striking Gailyard with his foot. Polidore told the sergeant that she’d seen Dukes strike Gailyard as she pulled up to the scene.
“She deserves a commendation,” Bamberg said.
Dukes was fired from another police department, the Calhoun County Sheriff’s Office in October due to insubordination, according to The Times and Democrat of Orangeburg.
On Saturday, a judge set Dukes’ bond at $10,000. While out on bond he is not permitted to posses firearms. If convicted, he faces 10 years in prison.
Bamberg tweeted a photo of his client showing his head wrapped with gauze over the wound. He tweeted, “This is my client, Mr. Clarence. Disabled, completely innocent bystander, unarmed, and defenseless. Got his head STOMPED on by a now fired officer in Orangeburg who repeatedly used excessive force on the people. Was also fired by his previous agency < a year ago. We can do better”
Orangeburg Department of Public Safety Officer David Lance Dukes, 38, was fired after internal officials reviewed body camera footage of the July 26 incident, during which Dukes stomped 58-year-old Clarence Gailyard’s head while the man was on his hands and knees.
“Every time I look in the mirror, I see the scar on my forehead, and it’s not OK. The only thing I want the community to do is change,” Gailyard said Tuesday alongside his attorney Justin Bamberg.
On July 26, Gailyard was walking with his stick that he carries in case a dog approaches him. He also walks with a cane often and often moves slowly as a result of pins and rods in his leg from being hit by a vehicle on a bicycle, Bamberg said.
Someone called 911 thinking the stick Gailyard was holding was a gun. Dukes arrived and ordered Gailyard to the ground but the man wasn’t physically able to immediately comply. While he was on his hands and knees, Dukes stomped Gailyard’s head, causing it to hit the concrete.
“Officer Dukes then approached the victim, who was on his hands and knees. While the victim was in a defenseless position on his hands and knees, Officer Dukes raised his right leg and forcibly stomped with his boot on the victim’s neck and/or head area. The force of the blow caused the victim’s head to strike the concrete. The victim suffered a contusion to his forehead and was transported by EMS,” says a warrant from the state law enforcement division.
Bamberg released an eight-second video of the incident taken by a bystander, as well as body camera footage, which was played during the press conference. Dukes was fired two days after the incident, then charged days later.
The body camera footage is from another officer on the scene and shows the aftermath of the incident.
“You threw me down!” Gailyard said.
“I sure did,” Dukes replied. “You wasn’t listening.”
Officer Aqkwele Polidore, who was also on the scene, spoke up and told a sergeant who arrived later that Gailyard was lying about what had happened. Body camera footage shows Dukes speaking to a sergeant about what happened, leaving out the part about him striking Gailyard with his foot. Polidore told the sergeant that she’d seen Dukes strike Gailyard as she pulled up to the scene.
“She deserves a commendation,” Bamberg said.
Dukes was fired from another police department, the Calhoun County Sheriff’s Office in October due to insubordination, according to The Times and Democrat of Orangeburg.
On Saturday, a judge set Dukes’ bond at $10,000. While out on bond he is not permitted to posses firearms. If convicted, he faces 10 years in prison.
Bamberg tweeted a photo of his client showing his head wrapped with gauze over the wound. He tweeted, “This is my client, Mr. Clarence. Disabled, completely innocent bystander, unarmed, and defenseless. Got his head STOMPED on by a now fired officer in Orangeburg who repeatedly used excessive force on the people. Was also fired by his previous agency < a year ago. We can do better”
5 police officers face criminal charges in hotel beating of Black men
By BILL HUTCHINSON - abc news
Wednesday, August 4, 2021
Five Miami Beach police officers are now facing criminal charges after they were seen on body camera and security video kicking a handcuffed Black man in a hotel lobby and tackling and pummeling a Black witness who was recording the incident on his cellphone.
Miami-Dade State Attorney Katherine Fernandez Rundle announced the officers have been suspended and charged with first-degree misdemeanor battery.
"Excessive force can never, ever, ever be an acceptable foundation for policing in any community," Fernandez Rundle said at a news conference on Monday. "Officers who forget that fact do a grave disservice to the people they have sworn to serve."
Fernandez Rundle, with Miami Beach Police Chief Richard Clements standing behind her, played a four-minute compilation of body camera and security camera footage showing the episode that unfolded in the early hours of July 26 in the lobby of the Royal Palm Hotel in South Beach.
The state attorney went over the footage in detail, stopping and rewinding it several times to point out the individual officers who were charged and even running the video in slow motion to show two officers kicking the handcuffed detainee in the head.
"With my team, when we saw that kick to the head, and then we replayed it and saw all the kicks that preceded it -- it was just unfathomable. It was unspeakable. It was just inexcusable," Fernandez Rundle said.
She said the incident started when a police officer chased 24-year-old Dalonta Crudup into the hotel and stopped him at gunpoint as he tried to take an elevator.
A police report obtained by Miami ABC affiliate WPLG alleged that Crudup was involved in a confrontation with a Miami Beach bicycle police officer over illegally parking a motorized scooter and allegedly struck the officer with the scooter. Fernandez Rundle said the officer's leg was injured in the encounter with Crudup and that he had to be hospitalized.
Once stopped by a police lieutenant inside the hotel, security camera footage showed Crudup appearing to comply with the officer's orders to step out of an elevator with his hands up.
"Crudup exits the elevator with his hands raised and drops down to the ground with his arms outstretched in front of him," Fernandez Rundle said.
After he was handcuffed with his arms behind his back, the security video showed 21 officers rushing into the lobby, swarming around Crudup and assisting in his arrest, Fernandez Rundle said.
"It is at this point the situation begins to change, in our opinion, from a legitimate arrest of a criminal suspect into an ongoing investigation of the use of force by five Miami Beach police officers," Fernandez Rundle said.
The security video appeared to show Sgt. Jose Perez allegedly kick Crudup in the head while he was face down on the ground with other officers on top of him. At one point, Perez appears to also be seen in the video lifting Crudup and slamming him to the ground.
The video showed Perez walk away briefly twice before returning and appearing to kick Crudup in the head.
The hotel security video allegedly showed Officer Kevin Perez, who Fernandez Rundle said is not related to Jose Perez, kicking Crudup at least four times.
Other officers then turned their attention to 28-year-old Khalid Vaughn, who Fernandez Rundle said was standing 12 to 15 feet away recording Crudup's arrest.
Body camera video appeared to show officers Robert Sabater allegedly tackling Vaughn, who was backing away. Officers David Rivas and Steven Serrano allegedly helped Sabater pin Vaughn against a concrete pillar. The body camera video appears to show Sabarter, Rivas and Serrano taking turns pummeling Vaughn with body blows.
"Body-worn cameras played a critical role in this case," Fernandez Rundle said.
She said Vaughn was initially arrested on charges of impeding, provoking and harassing officers. Fernandez Rundle said those charges were dropped as soon after she viewed the videos.
She said the investigation is ongoing and the officers could face more charges.
Fernandez Rundle praised Clements for taking swift action and immediately informing her office of the incident.
"This is by no means at all a reflection of the dedicated men and women of the Miami Beach Police Department," Clements said at Monday's news conference. "Moving forward, I can tell you that my staff and I promise you, as individuals and as an agency, that we will learn from this. And we will grow from this."
Upon his release from custody, Crudup told WPLG, "I got beat up, I got stitches, went to the hospital." He denied parking the scooter illegally and striking the officer with it.
Vaughn told WPLG he started video recording the incident after Crudup was already handcuffed and on the ground.
"They beat him, turned around, charged me down, beat me ... punched me, elbowed me in the face," Vaughn told WPLG. "I literally got jumped by officers."
Paul Ozeata, president of the Fraternal Order of Police, told the Miami Herald that the five charged officers are being represented by the police union's attorneys. He told the newspaper that he hadn't viewed the video evidence close enough to comment on the officers' actions.
"They deserve their day in court, just as everyone else does," Ozeata said.
In an interview with ABC News Live Prime anchor Linsey Davis, Miami Beach Mayor Dan Gelber said he viewed the video footage and called the incident "unacceptable in every way."
"This is not who our department is," Gelber said, adding, "And what our department did was exactly the right thing they should do, which is relieved the officers of duty immediately, and then within hours refer the entire matter to the state attorney's office for a review."
Miami-Dade State Attorney Katherine Fernandez Rundle announced the officers have been suspended and charged with first-degree misdemeanor battery.
"Excessive force can never, ever, ever be an acceptable foundation for policing in any community," Fernandez Rundle said at a news conference on Monday. "Officers who forget that fact do a grave disservice to the people they have sworn to serve."
Fernandez Rundle, with Miami Beach Police Chief Richard Clements standing behind her, played a four-minute compilation of body camera and security camera footage showing the episode that unfolded in the early hours of July 26 in the lobby of the Royal Palm Hotel in South Beach.
The state attorney went over the footage in detail, stopping and rewinding it several times to point out the individual officers who were charged and even running the video in slow motion to show two officers kicking the handcuffed detainee in the head.
"With my team, when we saw that kick to the head, and then we replayed it and saw all the kicks that preceded it -- it was just unfathomable. It was unspeakable. It was just inexcusable," Fernandez Rundle said.
She said the incident started when a police officer chased 24-year-old Dalonta Crudup into the hotel and stopped him at gunpoint as he tried to take an elevator.
A police report obtained by Miami ABC affiliate WPLG alleged that Crudup was involved in a confrontation with a Miami Beach bicycle police officer over illegally parking a motorized scooter and allegedly struck the officer with the scooter. Fernandez Rundle said the officer's leg was injured in the encounter with Crudup and that he had to be hospitalized.
Once stopped by a police lieutenant inside the hotel, security camera footage showed Crudup appearing to comply with the officer's orders to step out of an elevator with his hands up.
"Crudup exits the elevator with his hands raised and drops down to the ground with his arms outstretched in front of him," Fernandez Rundle said.
After he was handcuffed with his arms behind his back, the security video showed 21 officers rushing into the lobby, swarming around Crudup and assisting in his arrest, Fernandez Rundle said.
"It is at this point the situation begins to change, in our opinion, from a legitimate arrest of a criminal suspect into an ongoing investigation of the use of force by five Miami Beach police officers," Fernandez Rundle said.
The security video appeared to show Sgt. Jose Perez allegedly kick Crudup in the head while he was face down on the ground with other officers on top of him. At one point, Perez appears to also be seen in the video lifting Crudup and slamming him to the ground.
The video showed Perez walk away briefly twice before returning and appearing to kick Crudup in the head.
The hotel security video allegedly showed Officer Kevin Perez, who Fernandez Rundle said is not related to Jose Perez, kicking Crudup at least four times.
Other officers then turned their attention to 28-year-old Khalid Vaughn, who Fernandez Rundle said was standing 12 to 15 feet away recording Crudup's arrest.
Body camera video appeared to show officers Robert Sabater allegedly tackling Vaughn, who was backing away. Officers David Rivas and Steven Serrano allegedly helped Sabater pin Vaughn against a concrete pillar. The body camera video appears to show Sabarter, Rivas and Serrano taking turns pummeling Vaughn with body blows.
"Body-worn cameras played a critical role in this case," Fernandez Rundle said.
She said Vaughn was initially arrested on charges of impeding, provoking and harassing officers. Fernandez Rundle said those charges were dropped as soon after she viewed the videos.
She said the investigation is ongoing and the officers could face more charges.
Fernandez Rundle praised Clements for taking swift action and immediately informing her office of the incident.
"This is by no means at all a reflection of the dedicated men and women of the Miami Beach Police Department," Clements said at Monday's news conference. "Moving forward, I can tell you that my staff and I promise you, as individuals and as an agency, that we will learn from this. And we will grow from this."
Upon his release from custody, Crudup told WPLG, "I got beat up, I got stitches, went to the hospital." He denied parking the scooter illegally and striking the officer with it.
Vaughn told WPLG he started video recording the incident after Crudup was already handcuffed and on the ground.
"They beat him, turned around, charged me down, beat me ... punched me, elbowed me in the face," Vaughn told WPLG. "I literally got jumped by officers."
Paul Ozeata, president of the Fraternal Order of Police, told the Miami Herald that the five charged officers are being represented by the police union's attorneys. He told the newspaper that he hadn't viewed the video evidence close enough to comment on the officers' actions.
"They deserve their day in court, just as everyone else does," Ozeata said.
In an interview with ABC News Live Prime anchor Linsey Davis, Miami Beach Mayor Dan Gelber said he viewed the video footage and called the incident "unacceptable in every way."
"This is not who our department is," Gelber said, adding, "And what our department did was exactly the right thing they should do, which is relieved the officers of duty immediately, and then within hours refer the entire matter to the state attorney's office for a review."
New Report Finds Police-Perpetrated Killings in 2020 Were Vastly Underreported
BY James Dennis Hoff, Left Voice
PUBLISHED June 4, 2021
According to The Guardian newspaper, 1,093 people were killed by police in the United States in 2020. Meanwhile, the website Mapping Police Violence, another well-respected source for such information, puts that number slightly higher at 1,127, and Statista claims it is 1,021. These figures reflect a consensus that has existed since around 2015 that, in general, police in the United States kill about 1,000 people per year.
This extraordinary number far exceeds that of any other wealthy country in the world. For instance, police in the United States kill 10 times the number of people per capita as those in France, 30 times those in Germany, and 60 times more than those killed in the UK. Since 2000, it is estimated that tens of thousands of people, including at least 8,000 Black people, were killed by U.S. police and more are killed almost every day. In fact, since the beginning of 2021, there have been only six days in which the police did not shoot, asphyxiate, beat to death, or otherwise kill someone.
As shocking as the numbers are, activists and critics of police violence have long believed that the actual number of people killed by police in the United States was likely much higher. And now, a new report published by the Raza Database Project at California State University, Santa Barbara (CSUSB), is challenging the 1,000-per-year narrative.
The Raza Database Project is a product of the Latino Education and Advocacy Days Group at CSUSB. To complete the database, the group enrolled more than 50 volunteer researchers, journalists, and family members of people killed by police violence to research and investigate what they suspected was a significant undercount of Black and Latino people killed by the police.
The report, which was released on May 27, shows that there has in fact been a massive undercount of police killings, particularly among Black and Latino people. The greatest number of these new deaths come from people who died while already in police custody, including many who had been falsely listed as having died from “medical emergencies.” This research shows that the number of people killed by police in the United States is likely almost double what is normally reported by the media.
According to the report, the actual number of police killings for 2020 was 2,134 — well over a thousand more than what The Guardian reported for that same year. And that same discrepancy is seen in almost all the data every year since 2014. The project also shows that the number of Latino people killed by the police has also been significantly underreported, in large part because many police departments rely heavily on surnames to classify the race or ethnicity of people in their custody.
As a result of this, the actual number of Latino people killed by police is actually about 25 percent higher than normally reported, according to the project. Meanwhile, a closer inspection of the number of victims whose ethnicity was listed as “unknown” revealed that the number of Asians and Pacific Islanders killed by Police increased by an astonishing 600 percent, from 217 to more than 1,400 since just 2014.
These numbers show that police across the United States are killing significantly more people than previously thought, and many more people of color across a much wider spectrum of ethnicities. And these numbers held steady despite a mass uprising against police violence.
While the database does not account for income or class, it is quite obvious that the vast majority of people killed by the police are also poor and working people, victims of the system of capitalist exploitation as well as the police repression it relies upon. In that respect, these numbers show the need for continued resistance, like we saw almost exactly one year ago, when young people of all colors and ethnicities rose up to march, protest, fight, strike, and organize in response to the murder of George Floyd and against the racist police. It is clear from these figures that the police cannot be reformed; they must be abolished, sooner rather than later, but that struggle cannot succeed without a struggle to also overthrow the capitalist system the police protect.
This extraordinary number far exceeds that of any other wealthy country in the world. For instance, police in the United States kill 10 times the number of people per capita as those in France, 30 times those in Germany, and 60 times more than those killed in the UK. Since 2000, it is estimated that tens of thousands of people, including at least 8,000 Black people, were killed by U.S. police and more are killed almost every day. In fact, since the beginning of 2021, there have been only six days in which the police did not shoot, asphyxiate, beat to death, or otherwise kill someone.
As shocking as the numbers are, activists and critics of police violence have long believed that the actual number of people killed by police in the United States was likely much higher. And now, a new report published by the Raza Database Project at California State University, Santa Barbara (CSUSB), is challenging the 1,000-per-year narrative.
The Raza Database Project is a product of the Latino Education and Advocacy Days Group at CSUSB. To complete the database, the group enrolled more than 50 volunteer researchers, journalists, and family members of people killed by police violence to research and investigate what they suspected was a significant undercount of Black and Latino people killed by the police.
The report, which was released on May 27, shows that there has in fact been a massive undercount of police killings, particularly among Black and Latino people. The greatest number of these new deaths come from people who died while already in police custody, including many who had been falsely listed as having died from “medical emergencies.” This research shows that the number of people killed by police in the United States is likely almost double what is normally reported by the media.
According to the report, the actual number of police killings for 2020 was 2,134 — well over a thousand more than what The Guardian reported for that same year. And that same discrepancy is seen in almost all the data every year since 2014. The project also shows that the number of Latino people killed by the police has also been significantly underreported, in large part because many police departments rely heavily on surnames to classify the race or ethnicity of people in their custody.
As a result of this, the actual number of Latino people killed by police is actually about 25 percent higher than normally reported, according to the project. Meanwhile, a closer inspection of the number of victims whose ethnicity was listed as “unknown” revealed that the number of Asians and Pacific Islanders killed by Police increased by an astonishing 600 percent, from 217 to more than 1,400 since just 2014.
These numbers show that police across the United States are killing significantly more people than previously thought, and many more people of color across a much wider spectrum of ethnicities. And these numbers held steady despite a mass uprising against police violence.
While the database does not account for income or class, it is quite obvious that the vast majority of people killed by the police are also poor and working people, victims of the system of capitalist exploitation as well as the police repression it relies upon. In that respect, these numbers show the need for continued resistance, like we saw almost exactly one year ago, when young people of all colors and ethnicities rose up to march, protest, fight, strike, and organize in response to the murder of George Floyd and against the racist police. It is clear from these figures that the police cannot be reformed; they must be abolished, sooner rather than later, but that struggle cannot succeed without a struggle to also overthrow the capitalist system the police protect.
racist gestapo showing their true nature!!!
PRO-COP PAC TRIED TO FUNDRAISE BY BLAMING GEORGE FLOYD FOR HIS OWN DEATH
After local news coverage, the Protect Our Police PAC quickly condemned its own email and distanced itself from Derek Chauvin.
Akela Lacy - the intercept
April 8 2021, 4:00 a.m.
A POLITICAL ACTION committee working to elect pro-police candidates to state and local office apologized last week for sending a fundraising email that blamed George Floyd for his own death. The Protect Our Police PAC formed in Philadelphia last June after nationwide protests against police brutality with the goal of ousting Larry Krasner, the city’s reformist district attorney. In the nine months since its inception, the group has backed candidates across at least 15 states. This is not the first time the committee has come under criticism for distributing racist materials.
“Our founding fathers knew the importance of a fair justice system, but unhinged radical cop haters are taking every opportunity to pervert the law to advance their agenda. That’s exactly what’s happening in Minnesota to officer Derek Chauvin,” read the April 1 email. “Let’s get one thing clear: George Floyd tested positive for COVID-19 and was high on a lethal dose of fentanyl when he died May 25th, 2020… but the mainstream media doesn’t want you to know that!” Sent from the organizationwide POP PAC account, the email was signed by President/Treasurer Nick Gerace, a former Philadelphia police officer.
In a statement on Friday, Gerace blamed the message on a marketing firm, saying that the email did not reflect his values or those of the PAC and that the group had since terminated its relationship with the firm. The statement claimed that the PAC had hired the marketing team several months before, but it did not name the firm, nor did it address why it had apparently not shown its client the content for approval before sending it out. Gerace did not answer questions from The Intercept about whether anyone at POP PAC had reviewed the contents before distribution, whether the PAC had returned contributions it received through the email’s donation links, or whether the PAC could name the marketing firm.
Krasner, up for reelection this year, is one of a growing number of prosecutors facing backlash from local and national police forces and politicians for using decarceral approaches to prosecution. When several former Philadelphia police officers started POP PAC in June, their stated goal was to help “recruit and elect candidates that will never turn their backs on our Police Officers and other first responders on the front line.”
The PAC got its start with an early investment of $10,000 from the Philadelphia Fraternal Order of Police Lodge #5, which represents the Philadelphia Police Department and is among Krasner’s strongest critics. The police union is backing Krasner’s opponent, former homicide prosecutor Carlos Vega, and POP PAC had been expected to follow suit. But after last week’s email, the Philadelphia Inquirer reported that Vega has said he doesn’t want the group’s backing.
Vega is still campaigning with the local FOP, which gave another $70,000 to POP PAC between January and March of this year. One of the PAC’s most prominent supporters is Republican Timothy Mellon, an heir to the Mellon banking fortune and a top donor to former President Donald Trump. Mellon, who once called federal programs like the Affordable Care Act and food stamps “slavery redux,” has provided POP PAC with more than two-thirds of its funds.
Asked about accepting support from FOP while distancing his campaign from POP PAC, Vega told The Intercept that he would hold the FOP accountable, which he sees as a top voter concern.
POP PAC has also faced criticism for failing to file its campaign finance disclosures on time. It raised just over $730,000 in 2020 “from thousands of donors from all 50 states,” according to its website. The group is a state PAC registered in Pennsylvania, not a federal PAC, and as such is required to follow state and local reporting requirements wherever it operates. In Georgia, for example, the registered affiliated POP GA PAC filed its 2020 campaign disclosures in February 2021, four months after the October deadline. In Pennsylvania, POP PAC filed two of its 2020 campaign disclosures in February 2021, months after the October and December deadlines. The first state and local filing deadlines for 2021 in Pennsylvania and Philadelphia were on Tuesday; the group did not meet them.
LAST THURSDAY’S EMAIL lamented “months of violent looting and riots that caused over a billion dollars in damages, hundreds of small business closures, dozens of untimely deaths, and millions of dollars profited from left-wing organizations like Black Lives Matter.” Now, it went on, “Chauvin is facing trial for a murder he did not commit — leftist radicals want to make an example out of an innocent man that followed the protocol he learned in his training. They want to ruin his life for political gain.”
The next day, after the Philadelphia Inquirer reported on the email’s contents, Gerace condemned Chauvin’s actions, saying they “were examples of bad policing and poor training that directly caused George Floyd’s death, in my opinion.” The email’s “messaging and innuendo” were “not in line with our mission and I vehemently denounce it,” he continued. “We can do better. We will do better. We must do better.”
Gerace’s comments reflect the significant pressure law enforcement groups are feeling as public opinion on policing and patterns of brutality has shifted since Chauvin killed Floyd last year. Gerace claims the case touched on one of the main motivations for starting the PAC. “Not all cops are bad or bastards,” his statement read. “No one hates a dirty cop more than a good cop.”
Asked to comment further, Gerace said he had been on record numerous times in the last year “saying the opposite of what is in this email. I don’t agree with its contents at all.”
Other fundraising emails sent from the PAC this year call Black Lives Matter an “anti-cop operation” with a “twisted ideology”; claim “blood is on [the] hands” of the “defund the police movement” for endangering police and everyday citizens; and decry the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act, a police reform bill that the House passed in March, as “something that should scare us all.”
Last year, the group’s Georgia affiliate faced similar backlash over campaign billboards and literature with racist and anti-Semitic messaging during the district attorney’s race in Georgia’s Chatham County.
One mailer pictured Shalena Cook Jones, a Black woman and the Democratic challenger to Republican incumbent Meg Heap, holding up a sideways peace sign next to George Soros. The mailer read: “Billionaire liberal George Soros has funded unqualified district attorneys in cities across America in an effort to buy our criminal justice system.” The PAC paid for billboards picturing Cook Jones making the same gesture, which some local observers, including academics and media outlets, thought was designed to look like a gang symbol. The group made an independent expenditure to support Heap, who said the billboards showed “distasteful content,” and the PAC later took them down. In a statement last October, the PAC said criticisms of the ads as racist and anti-Semitic were “false accusations meant to discredit and distract.” POP PAC spent just over $50,000 on the Georgia race, but Jones, backed by the Soros-funded Justice & Public Safety PAC, defeated the incumbent.
Despite the Philadelphia’s police union’s support for Vega, Krasner’s opponent, Gerace said the PAC has never and would not seek to back Vega directly. “POP PAC has never sought to endorse him because our effort has been laser-focused on holding DA Krasner accountable for his dangerous policies and deadly consequences,” Gerace told The Intercept. “We have not and will not endorse or directly support his campaign.”
According to Sergio Cea, an organizer with Reclaim Philadelphia, which is backing Krasner, the sentiments in the fundraising email are typical of police forces in the Philadelphia area. “This is like a pattern of what police do in Philadelphia, fundraise off of the abuse in our community,” Cea said. He noted that last year, the local police union sold T-shirts with the name of an officer who had abused protesters with a baton over the summer.
“It’s one thing if you’re saying this stuff to police officers,” said Cea. “But if you’re talking to everyday Philadelphians and voters, many of them who have been brutalized by the police department in Philadelphia, these kinds of news stories lead them to say, ‘You know what, no matter what I’m gonna back Krasner.’”
“Our founding fathers knew the importance of a fair justice system, but unhinged radical cop haters are taking every opportunity to pervert the law to advance their agenda. That’s exactly what’s happening in Minnesota to officer Derek Chauvin,” read the April 1 email. “Let’s get one thing clear: George Floyd tested positive for COVID-19 and was high on a lethal dose of fentanyl when he died May 25th, 2020… but the mainstream media doesn’t want you to know that!” Sent from the organizationwide POP PAC account, the email was signed by President/Treasurer Nick Gerace, a former Philadelphia police officer.
In a statement on Friday, Gerace blamed the message on a marketing firm, saying that the email did not reflect his values or those of the PAC and that the group had since terminated its relationship with the firm. The statement claimed that the PAC had hired the marketing team several months before, but it did not name the firm, nor did it address why it had apparently not shown its client the content for approval before sending it out. Gerace did not answer questions from The Intercept about whether anyone at POP PAC had reviewed the contents before distribution, whether the PAC had returned contributions it received through the email’s donation links, or whether the PAC could name the marketing firm.
Krasner, up for reelection this year, is one of a growing number of prosecutors facing backlash from local and national police forces and politicians for using decarceral approaches to prosecution. When several former Philadelphia police officers started POP PAC in June, their stated goal was to help “recruit and elect candidates that will never turn their backs on our Police Officers and other first responders on the front line.”
The PAC got its start with an early investment of $10,000 from the Philadelphia Fraternal Order of Police Lodge #5, which represents the Philadelphia Police Department and is among Krasner’s strongest critics. The police union is backing Krasner’s opponent, former homicide prosecutor Carlos Vega, and POP PAC had been expected to follow suit. But after last week’s email, the Philadelphia Inquirer reported that Vega has said he doesn’t want the group’s backing.
Vega is still campaigning with the local FOP, which gave another $70,000 to POP PAC between January and March of this year. One of the PAC’s most prominent supporters is Republican Timothy Mellon, an heir to the Mellon banking fortune and a top donor to former President Donald Trump. Mellon, who once called federal programs like the Affordable Care Act and food stamps “slavery redux,” has provided POP PAC with more than two-thirds of its funds.
Asked about accepting support from FOP while distancing his campaign from POP PAC, Vega told The Intercept that he would hold the FOP accountable, which he sees as a top voter concern.
POP PAC has also faced criticism for failing to file its campaign finance disclosures on time. It raised just over $730,000 in 2020 “from thousands of donors from all 50 states,” according to its website. The group is a state PAC registered in Pennsylvania, not a federal PAC, and as such is required to follow state and local reporting requirements wherever it operates. In Georgia, for example, the registered affiliated POP GA PAC filed its 2020 campaign disclosures in February 2021, four months after the October deadline. In Pennsylvania, POP PAC filed two of its 2020 campaign disclosures in February 2021, months after the October and December deadlines. The first state and local filing deadlines for 2021 in Pennsylvania and Philadelphia were on Tuesday; the group did not meet them.
LAST THURSDAY’S EMAIL lamented “months of violent looting and riots that caused over a billion dollars in damages, hundreds of small business closures, dozens of untimely deaths, and millions of dollars profited from left-wing organizations like Black Lives Matter.” Now, it went on, “Chauvin is facing trial for a murder he did not commit — leftist radicals want to make an example out of an innocent man that followed the protocol he learned in his training. They want to ruin his life for political gain.”
The next day, after the Philadelphia Inquirer reported on the email’s contents, Gerace condemned Chauvin’s actions, saying they “were examples of bad policing and poor training that directly caused George Floyd’s death, in my opinion.” The email’s “messaging and innuendo” were “not in line with our mission and I vehemently denounce it,” he continued. “We can do better. We will do better. We must do better.”
Gerace’s comments reflect the significant pressure law enforcement groups are feeling as public opinion on policing and patterns of brutality has shifted since Chauvin killed Floyd last year. Gerace claims the case touched on one of the main motivations for starting the PAC. “Not all cops are bad or bastards,” his statement read. “No one hates a dirty cop more than a good cop.”
Asked to comment further, Gerace said he had been on record numerous times in the last year “saying the opposite of what is in this email. I don’t agree with its contents at all.”
Other fundraising emails sent from the PAC this year call Black Lives Matter an “anti-cop operation” with a “twisted ideology”; claim “blood is on [the] hands” of the “defund the police movement” for endangering police and everyday citizens; and decry the George Floyd Justice in Policing Act, a police reform bill that the House passed in March, as “something that should scare us all.”
Last year, the group’s Georgia affiliate faced similar backlash over campaign billboards and literature with racist and anti-Semitic messaging during the district attorney’s race in Georgia’s Chatham County.
One mailer pictured Shalena Cook Jones, a Black woman and the Democratic challenger to Republican incumbent Meg Heap, holding up a sideways peace sign next to George Soros. The mailer read: “Billionaire liberal George Soros has funded unqualified district attorneys in cities across America in an effort to buy our criminal justice system.” The PAC paid for billboards picturing Cook Jones making the same gesture, which some local observers, including academics and media outlets, thought was designed to look like a gang symbol. The group made an independent expenditure to support Heap, who said the billboards showed “distasteful content,” and the PAC later took them down. In a statement last October, the PAC said criticisms of the ads as racist and anti-Semitic were “false accusations meant to discredit and distract.” POP PAC spent just over $50,000 on the Georgia race, but Jones, backed by the Soros-funded Justice & Public Safety PAC, defeated the incumbent.
Despite the Philadelphia’s police union’s support for Vega, Krasner’s opponent, Gerace said the PAC has never and would not seek to back Vega directly. “POP PAC has never sought to endorse him because our effort has been laser-focused on holding DA Krasner accountable for his dangerous policies and deadly consequences,” Gerace told The Intercept. “We have not and will not endorse or directly support his campaign.”
According to Sergio Cea, an organizer with Reclaim Philadelphia, which is backing Krasner, the sentiments in the fundraising email are typical of police forces in the Philadelphia area. “This is like a pattern of what police do in Philadelphia, fundraise off of the abuse in our community,” Cea said. He noted that last year, the local police union sold T-shirts with the name of an officer who had abused protesters with a baton over the summer.
“It’s one thing if you’re saying this stuff to police officers,” said Cea. “But if you’re talking to everyday Philadelphians and voters, many of them who have been brutalized by the police department in Philadelphia, these kinds of news stories lead them to say, ‘You know what, no matter what I’m gonna back Krasner.’”
opinion
Calling Chauvin a “Bad Apple” Denies Systemic Nature of Racist Police Violence
BY Marjorie Cohn, Truthout
PUBLISHED April 3, 2021
As the murder trial of Derek Chauvin for killing George Floyd proceeds, the prosecution will try to portray the defendant as a “bad apple.” In his opening statement, prosecutor Jerry Blackwell alerted the jurors that they would hear police officials testify Chauvin used excessive force in violation of departmental policy to apply restraints only as necessary to bring a person under control. However, this argument obfuscates the racist violence inherent in the U.S. system of policing.
The first prosecution witness to testify about Minnesota Police Department (MPD) policies was retired Sgt. David Ploeger, the supervising police sergeant on duty the day Chauvin killed Floyd. It was his job to conduct use of force reviews. Ploeger testified, “When Mr. Floyd was no longer offering up any resistance to the officer,” when he was handcuffed on the ground and no longer resisting, “they could have ended the restraint.”
Lt. Richard Zimmerman of the MPD also testified about what constitutes authorized use of force. He said that once a person is secure or handcuffed, “you need to get him out of the prone position as soon as possible because it restricts their breathing.” When a person is cuffed behind his back (as Floyd was), “it stretches the muscles back,” making it “more difficult to breathe.” Once cuffed, Zimmerman added, “you have to turn them on their side or have them sit up,” noting, “you have to get them off their chest” because that constricts the breathing “even more.”
“If your knee is on a person’s neck, that could kill him,” Zimmerman said. “Pulling him down to the ground facedown and putting your knee on a neck for that amount of time, it’s just uncalled for,” he declared. Zimmerman saw “no reason why the officers felt they were in danger,” which is “what they would have to feel to use that kind of force.” The restraint of Floyd “should have stopped once he was prone on the ground and had stopped putting up resistance,” he stated.
But many Minneapolis police officers receive “Killology training” through the police union, where they are taught to kill rather than de-escalate conflict situations. This training violates the UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials, which require officers to, “as far as possible,” use nonviolent techniques before resorting to force and firearms.
The MPD reported that its officers used violence against Black people at seven times the rate they used violence against white people, during the period from 2015 to 2020.
Prosecutors will likely try to isolate Chauvin as one of “a few bad apples.” That may be an effective prosecutorial strategy to convince jurors they should convict him. But this “rogue cop” characterization — also used after the 1991 Rodney King beating and the police killings of Michael Brown, Philando Castile, Alton Sterling and Breonna Taylor — obscures the systemic nature of police violence against Black and Brown people in the United States. Even the best training in the world cannot teach police, who are licensed to kill and deployed to enforce a racist system, not to be racist.
Black people who are unarmed or not attacking police are 3.5 times more likely to be killed by police than white people, the Brookings Institution found. Moreover, police kill Black people at more than twice the rate of whites even though Black people account for less than 13 percent of the U.S. population. More than 75 percent of the time, chokeholds are applied on men of color.
Prosecutors were compelled to bring charges against Chauvin because the whole world had seen him kill Floyd. After massive protests erupted following the horrifying video of Chauvin’s torture of Floyd — now known to have lasted nine minutes and 29 seconds — the MPD fired Chauvin and prosecutors charged him with third-degree murder and second-degree manslaughter. They later added a charge of second-degree murder.
But what would have happened if eyewitnesses had not recorded Floyd’s death? Would Chauvin have been fired and charged with murder?[...]
The first prosecution witness to testify about Minnesota Police Department (MPD) policies was retired Sgt. David Ploeger, the supervising police sergeant on duty the day Chauvin killed Floyd. It was his job to conduct use of force reviews. Ploeger testified, “When Mr. Floyd was no longer offering up any resistance to the officer,” when he was handcuffed on the ground and no longer resisting, “they could have ended the restraint.”
Lt. Richard Zimmerman of the MPD also testified about what constitutes authorized use of force. He said that once a person is secure or handcuffed, “you need to get him out of the prone position as soon as possible because it restricts their breathing.” When a person is cuffed behind his back (as Floyd was), “it stretches the muscles back,” making it “more difficult to breathe.” Once cuffed, Zimmerman added, “you have to turn them on their side or have them sit up,” noting, “you have to get them off their chest” because that constricts the breathing “even more.”
“If your knee is on a person’s neck, that could kill him,” Zimmerman said. “Pulling him down to the ground facedown and putting your knee on a neck for that amount of time, it’s just uncalled for,” he declared. Zimmerman saw “no reason why the officers felt they were in danger,” which is “what they would have to feel to use that kind of force.” The restraint of Floyd “should have stopped once he was prone on the ground and had stopped putting up resistance,” he stated.
But many Minneapolis police officers receive “Killology training” through the police union, where they are taught to kill rather than de-escalate conflict situations. This training violates the UN Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law Enforcement Officials, which require officers to, “as far as possible,” use nonviolent techniques before resorting to force and firearms.
The MPD reported that its officers used violence against Black people at seven times the rate they used violence against white people, during the period from 2015 to 2020.
Prosecutors will likely try to isolate Chauvin as one of “a few bad apples.” That may be an effective prosecutorial strategy to convince jurors they should convict him. But this “rogue cop” characterization — also used after the 1991 Rodney King beating and the police killings of Michael Brown, Philando Castile, Alton Sterling and Breonna Taylor — obscures the systemic nature of police violence against Black and Brown people in the United States. Even the best training in the world cannot teach police, who are licensed to kill and deployed to enforce a racist system, not to be racist.
Black people who are unarmed or not attacking police are 3.5 times more likely to be killed by police than white people, the Brookings Institution found. Moreover, police kill Black people at more than twice the rate of whites even though Black people account for less than 13 percent of the U.S. population. More than 75 percent of the time, chokeholds are applied on men of color.
Prosecutors were compelled to bring charges against Chauvin because the whole world had seen him kill Floyd. After massive protests erupted following the horrifying video of Chauvin’s torture of Floyd — now known to have lasted nine minutes and 29 seconds — the MPD fired Chauvin and prosecutors charged him with third-degree murder and second-degree manslaughter. They later added a charge of second-degree murder.
But what would have happened if eyewitnesses had not recorded Floyd’s death? Would Chauvin have been fired and charged with murder?[...]
The Little Known, Racist History of the 911 Emergency Call System
The 911 system we have today was created in response to the 1967 civil rights protests.
KATRINA FELDKAMP AND S. REBECCA NEUSTETER - in these times
JANUARY 26, 2021
This nation’s system of police deployment is fundamentally dangerous to Black lives; just consider the police killings of George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Walter Wallace Jr., Elijah McClain and so many others to tell that story. Less considered has been the emergency hotline system that deploys police officers in the first place, often taken for granted as the de facto response to any and all social problems: 911.
When someone dials 911, call-takers gather information and relay it to dispatchers, who allocate police, fire and other emergency resources. The system has surely saved countless lives; it also continues to deploy a police response to countless situations police are ill-equipped to handle. One study published in 2020 by the Vera Institute of Justice (Eds. note: S. Rebecca Neusteter is the study’s lead author), which spans two years and five major cities, finds that most of the 240 million annual calls to 911 relate to non-emergency or non-criminal issues, such as noise complaints, parking issues and complaints about unhoused persons. Defaulting to the police to respond to all of society’s ills places officers and communities alike in an untenable situation.
And some of these calls — beyond just the calls that make national headlines — originate from the caller’s effort to enforce racist notions of “order.” In 1990, for example, 15-year-old Phillip Pannell was shot in the back and killed by police officers responding to a 911 call about a disturbance in a local schoolyard. In 2012, police killed 16-year-old Darnisha Harris in response to a 911 call about a fight outdoors. In 2016, Terence Crutcher Sr. was killed by police after several passersby called 911 to report Crutcher standing in the street with his broken-down vehicle. In 2017, police killed 15-year-old Jordan Edwards after a 911 caller complained about underage drinking at a nearby house party. In each of these calls and so many others, police wielded the power of the state to kill Black Americans.
Since the inception of the 911 system, police officers have become the weaponized embodiment of social and racial bias, dispatched at the behest of semi-anonymous callers who (knowingly or not) may release devastating police violence. The end results have been the criminalization of people of color and mass incarceration.
But these results should come as no surprise: The crucible of the 911 system itself was the racist (white) response against (Black) Americans’ demands for equality during the Johnson administration, inflamed by President Richard Nixon’s successful 1968 law-and-order election campaign.
Emergence of 911
Telephoning an emergency service was a thorny process until the late 1960s. Local jurisdictions (which often overlapped) all had their own local telephone numbers. When a person called the police, for example, first they had to figure out the relevant jurisdiction they were in, then dial the department directly and hope someone was there to answer.
President Lyndon Johnson’s administration is credited with “solving” these problems of responsiveness and efficiency with the creation of the centralized 911 system we know today. But the Johnson administration’s motives were less than benevolent, aimed at quickly suppressing what it saw as harmful civil disorder — namely, protests by Black communities against segregation and police brutality.
In the summer of 1967, following several years of civil rights protests (159 across the country that summer alone), Johnson appointed a National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, better known as the Kerner Commission. The Kerner Commission was tasked with studying 24 so-called disorders that had occurred in 23 cities that summer. The commission’s 11 members (almost entirely white, male, moderate politicians) and 118 staffers and assistants issued recommendations for preventing future “riots” in the Kerner Report, released Feb. 29, 1968.
The report is most remembered for condemning white America’s racism as the primary cause of civil unrest in Black communities. It demanded investment in housing and social services for Black communities, recommended federal action to challenge discrimination in employment and education, and cited numerous instances in which police, not protesters, escalated riots. The commission, however, was not a bastion of progressivism.
Between November and December 1967, the commission’s executive director, David Ginsburg, fired 120 commission staffers who had issued preliminary findings that riots were a logical, often effective political response to white supremacy. Internal correspondence among staff that remained or were newly hired after these preliminary findings shows that the Commission was divided on how best to address “civil disorder”: While some staffers insisted police could prevent protests by confronting racism within their own ranks and employing de-escalation strategies, other staffers recommended mobilizing state force to suppress Black protests.
Tellingly, in the report’s “Supplement on Control of Disorder” — a section left out of nearly all published copies of the report but eventually converted into a training program administered by the Department of Justice — the Commission recommends expanding police capacity to suppress protest. The section advises state and federal law enforcement to intervene in civil disorders, recommends local police departments adopt militaristic riot control training and equipment (including tear gas) and encourages police departments to infiltrate Black communities.
Arnold Sagalyn, the commission’s associate director for public safety, endorsed strategies to prevent the underlying causes of protests while also encouraging the militarization of local law enforcement. Sagalyn’s contributions were informed by his long career in law enforcement and his study of international law enforcement techniques — one of which was a universal emergency services telephone number implemented by the United States in Caracas, Venezuela, in 1963, to aid urban counterinsurgency efforts.
This new, universal number was one tool in a wave of communications technology developments in Central America, and later the United States, that aided counterinsurgency by linking police forces and enabling more effective surveillance of militant groups. John P. Longan, chief of the U.S. Public Safety Division in Venezuela, briefed Sagalyn on the idea during the Kerner Commission’s early research. Sagalyn then contacted Federal Communications Commission (FCC) Chairman Rosel H. Hyde in October 1967 to express the commission’s interest in a system that became known in the United States as 911. [...]
When someone dials 911, call-takers gather information and relay it to dispatchers, who allocate police, fire and other emergency resources. The system has surely saved countless lives; it also continues to deploy a police response to countless situations police are ill-equipped to handle. One study published in 2020 by the Vera Institute of Justice (Eds. note: S. Rebecca Neusteter is the study’s lead author), which spans two years and five major cities, finds that most of the 240 million annual calls to 911 relate to non-emergency or non-criminal issues, such as noise complaints, parking issues and complaints about unhoused persons. Defaulting to the police to respond to all of society’s ills places officers and communities alike in an untenable situation.
And some of these calls — beyond just the calls that make national headlines — originate from the caller’s effort to enforce racist notions of “order.” In 1990, for example, 15-year-old Phillip Pannell was shot in the back and killed by police officers responding to a 911 call about a disturbance in a local schoolyard. In 2012, police killed 16-year-old Darnisha Harris in response to a 911 call about a fight outdoors. In 2016, Terence Crutcher Sr. was killed by police after several passersby called 911 to report Crutcher standing in the street with his broken-down vehicle. In 2017, police killed 15-year-old Jordan Edwards after a 911 caller complained about underage drinking at a nearby house party. In each of these calls and so many others, police wielded the power of the state to kill Black Americans.
Since the inception of the 911 system, police officers have become the weaponized embodiment of social and racial bias, dispatched at the behest of semi-anonymous callers who (knowingly or not) may release devastating police violence. The end results have been the criminalization of people of color and mass incarceration.
But these results should come as no surprise: The crucible of the 911 system itself was the racist (white) response against (Black) Americans’ demands for equality during the Johnson administration, inflamed by President Richard Nixon’s successful 1968 law-and-order election campaign.
Emergence of 911
Telephoning an emergency service was a thorny process until the late 1960s. Local jurisdictions (which often overlapped) all had their own local telephone numbers. When a person called the police, for example, first they had to figure out the relevant jurisdiction they were in, then dial the department directly and hope someone was there to answer.
President Lyndon Johnson’s administration is credited with “solving” these problems of responsiveness and efficiency with the creation of the centralized 911 system we know today. But the Johnson administration’s motives were less than benevolent, aimed at quickly suppressing what it saw as harmful civil disorder — namely, protests by Black communities against segregation and police brutality.
In the summer of 1967, following several years of civil rights protests (159 across the country that summer alone), Johnson appointed a National Advisory Commission on Civil Disorders, better known as the Kerner Commission. The Kerner Commission was tasked with studying 24 so-called disorders that had occurred in 23 cities that summer. The commission’s 11 members (almost entirely white, male, moderate politicians) and 118 staffers and assistants issued recommendations for preventing future “riots” in the Kerner Report, released Feb. 29, 1968.
The report is most remembered for condemning white America’s racism as the primary cause of civil unrest in Black communities. It demanded investment in housing and social services for Black communities, recommended federal action to challenge discrimination in employment and education, and cited numerous instances in which police, not protesters, escalated riots. The commission, however, was not a bastion of progressivism.
Between November and December 1967, the commission’s executive director, David Ginsburg, fired 120 commission staffers who had issued preliminary findings that riots were a logical, often effective political response to white supremacy. Internal correspondence among staff that remained or were newly hired after these preliminary findings shows that the Commission was divided on how best to address “civil disorder”: While some staffers insisted police could prevent protests by confronting racism within their own ranks and employing de-escalation strategies, other staffers recommended mobilizing state force to suppress Black protests.
Tellingly, in the report’s “Supplement on Control of Disorder” — a section left out of nearly all published copies of the report but eventually converted into a training program administered by the Department of Justice — the Commission recommends expanding police capacity to suppress protest. The section advises state and federal law enforcement to intervene in civil disorders, recommends local police departments adopt militaristic riot control training and equipment (including tear gas) and encourages police departments to infiltrate Black communities.
Arnold Sagalyn, the commission’s associate director for public safety, endorsed strategies to prevent the underlying causes of protests while also encouraging the militarization of local law enforcement. Sagalyn’s contributions were informed by his long career in law enforcement and his study of international law enforcement techniques — one of which was a universal emergency services telephone number implemented by the United States in Caracas, Venezuela, in 1963, to aid urban counterinsurgency efforts.
This new, universal number was one tool in a wave of communications technology developments in Central America, and later the United States, that aided counterinsurgency by linking police forces and enabling more effective surveillance of militant groups. John P. Longan, chief of the U.S. Public Safety Division in Venezuela, briefed Sagalyn on the idea during the Kerner Commission’s early research. Sagalyn then contacted Federal Communications Commission (FCC) Chairman Rosel H. Hyde in October 1967 to express the commission’s interest in a system that became known in the United States as 911. [...]
Police are 3 times more likely to use violence against leftist protesters than far-right: analysis
The Conversation
January 15, 2021
Black Lives Matter, Indigenous, anti-war, and other progressive activists reacted with a complete lack of surprise to data reported by The Guardian on Thursday that shows U.S. police are three times more likely to use violence against left-wing and social justice protesters than against those on the political right.
The report, based on statistics from from the U.S. Crisis Monitor—a database created this spring by researchers at Princeton and the nonprofit Armed Conflict Location and Event Data project (ACLED)—found that the overwhelming majority of the thousands of total protests across the nation over the past year have been peaceful.
While most demonstrations in general were not attacked by police, officers used tear gas, rubber bullets, beatings with batons, and other violence against protesters at 511 left-wing events as opposed to just 33 right-wing ones since April 2020, according to ACLED data.
The Guardian analyzed ACLED statistics and determined that 4.7% of protests organized by leftist groups were subjected to police use of force, while only 1.4% of demonstrations by right-wing groups saw police violence.
Ironically—or intentionally, according to some critics—people protesting police violence were much more likely to be subjected to that very violence, and the use of force disparity only widened in relation to peaceful demonstrations. The analysis revealed that police were 3.5 times more likely to attack people at left-wing protests where no violence, vandalism, or looting occurred than at similarly peaceful right-wing actions.
Left-wing protests analyzed include mostly Black Lives Matter, but also actions by Abolish ICE, Democratic Socialists of America, and the NAACP. Right-wing demonstrations include Blue Lives Matter, the QAnon and "Stop the Steal" conspiracy theories, and protests against Covid-19-related public health restrictions over the past year.
Unsurprisingly, left-wing activists were not surprised by the report, with reactions on social media ranging from feigned shock to "water is wet"-type comments. Human rights attorney Qasim Rashid called the report "a surprise to no one paying attention."
Not only have police attacked peaceful Indigenous, racial justice, economic justice, and other protesters in recent years, in some cases state and local law enforcement officers have actively worked with neo-Nazi factions and other far-right groups to target antiracism demonstrators. The FBI has also repeatedly reported a significant white supremacist presence among U.S. law enforcement agencies. Journalists and innocent bystanders have also been brutally attacked by police at or near leftwing demonstrations.
Most recently, commentators have noted the stark difference between the largely hands-off police treatment of the right-wing insurrectionist mob that perpetrated the deadly January 6, 2021 invasion of the U.S. Capitol—which killed one police officer—and the brutal law enforcement attacks on peaceful protesters in Washington, D.C. last summer that followed the killings of Black people including George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Ahmaud Arbery, Tony McDade, and others.
The report, based on statistics from from the U.S. Crisis Monitor—a database created this spring by researchers at Princeton and the nonprofit Armed Conflict Location and Event Data project (ACLED)—found that the overwhelming majority of the thousands of total protests across the nation over the past year have been peaceful.
While most demonstrations in general were not attacked by police, officers used tear gas, rubber bullets, beatings with batons, and other violence against protesters at 511 left-wing events as opposed to just 33 right-wing ones since April 2020, according to ACLED data.
The Guardian analyzed ACLED statistics and determined that 4.7% of protests organized by leftist groups were subjected to police use of force, while only 1.4% of demonstrations by right-wing groups saw police violence.
Ironically—or intentionally, according to some critics—people protesting police violence were much more likely to be subjected to that very violence, and the use of force disparity only widened in relation to peaceful demonstrations. The analysis revealed that police were 3.5 times more likely to attack people at left-wing protests where no violence, vandalism, or looting occurred than at similarly peaceful right-wing actions.
Left-wing protests analyzed include mostly Black Lives Matter, but also actions by Abolish ICE, Democratic Socialists of America, and the NAACP. Right-wing demonstrations include Blue Lives Matter, the QAnon and "Stop the Steal" conspiracy theories, and protests against Covid-19-related public health restrictions over the past year.
Unsurprisingly, left-wing activists were not surprised by the report, with reactions on social media ranging from feigned shock to "water is wet"-type comments. Human rights attorney Qasim Rashid called the report "a surprise to no one paying attention."
Not only have police attacked peaceful Indigenous, racial justice, economic justice, and other protesters in recent years, in some cases state and local law enforcement officers have actively worked with neo-Nazi factions and other far-right groups to target antiracism demonstrators. The FBI has also repeatedly reported a significant white supremacist presence among U.S. law enforcement agencies. Journalists and innocent bystanders have also been brutally attacked by police at or near leftwing demonstrations.
Most recently, commentators have noted the stark difference between the largely hands-off police treatment of the right-wing insurrectionist mob that perpetrated the deadly January 6, 2021 invasion of the U.S. Capitol—which killed one police officer—and the brutal law enforcement attacks on peaceful protesters in Washington, D.C. last summer that followed the killings of Black people including George Floyd, Breonna Taylor, Ahmaud Arbery, Tony McDade, and others.
UNREDACTED FBI DOCUMENT SHEDS NEW LIGHT ON WHITE SUPREMACIST INFILTRATION OF LAW ENFORCEMENT
A 2006 intelligence assessment reveals that officials had concerns about the infiltration of police departments for years but failed to warn the public.
Alice Speri - THE INTERCEPT
September 29 2020, 8:30 a.m.
THE FBI HAS long been concerned about the infiltration of law enforcement by white supremacist groups and its impact on police abuse and tolerance of racism, the unredacted version of a previously circulated document reveals.
The FBI threat assessment report was released by Rep. Jamie Raskin, chair of the House Committee on Oversight and Reform’s Civil Rights and Civil Liberties Subcommittee, ahead of a hearing about the white supremacist infiltration of local police departments scheduled for Tuesday.
A heavily redacted version of the 2006 document had previously been published, one of a handful of documents revealing federal officials’ growing concern with white supremacists’ “historical” interest in “infiltrating law enforcement communities or recruiting law enforcement personnel.” A different internal document obtained by The Intercept in 2017 had also noted that “domestic terrorism investigations focused on militia extremists, white supremacist extremists, and sovereign citizen extremists often have identified active links to law enforcement officers.”
The unredacted version of the first document sheds further light on the FBI’s concerns, as early as 2006, about “self-initiated efforts by individuals, particularly among those already within law enforcement ranks, to volunteer their professional resources to white supremacist causes with which they sympathize.”
“Having personnel within law enforcement agencies has historically been and will continue to be a desired asset for white supremacist groups seeking to anticipate law enforcement interest in and actions against them,” the report notes in a section that was previously redacted.
Another previously redacted section warned of “factors that might generate sympathies among existing law enforcement personnel and cause them to volunteer their support to white supremacist causes,” which could include hostility toward developments in U.S. domestic and foreign policies “that conflict with white supremacist ideologies,” the report warns.
Some redactions do not seem to be justified, for instance, the FBI’s conclusion that “white supremacist infiltration of law enforcement can result in other abuses of authority and passive tolerance of racism within communities served” — an apparent recognition of the potential harm to the public posed by white supremacist individuals embedded in police departments.
Other redactions relate to incidents of compromised intelligence. The unredacted document notes that “a white supremacist leader is known to have acquired a sensitive FBI Intelligence Bulletin on the white supremacist movement that had been posted on Law Enforcement Online and had inadvertently become publicly accessible through a law enforcement Web site. In addition to identifying the FBI personnel who prepared the bulletin, the document identified the FBI’s targeting interests within the white supremacist movement.”
The redactions also include examples of “strategic infiltration and recruitment campaigns” by white supremacist groups. “Most information about systematic attempts by white supremacist groups to infiltrate law enforcement involves efforts by the National Alliance (NA) during the era of its founder, William Pierce, and in the years immediately following his death in 2002,” the document notes. “White supremacist infiltration of the federal government, including the FBI, plays a prominent role in Pierce’s novels, The Turner Diaries (1978) and Hunter (1989), both widely read works that are sometimes interpreted as practical guidance within white supremacist circles.”
The memo goes on to note that active and retired law enforcement personnel were known to have joined the National Alliance, in some cases holding regional leadership roles in the organization, and raises concerns that the group’s successful efforts to infiltrate law enforcement would likely benefit other white supremacist groups with which it shared intelligence.
The redacted sections also include two examples of what the FBI refers to as “white supremacist sympathizers.” In one, the memo mentions that “in July 2006, a former police officer with possible ties to the KKK was charged with civil rights violations involving alleged death threats made against black schoolchildren and a black city council member.” In another, the report mentions the case of Shayne Allyn Ziska, a state correctional officer at the California Institution for Men in Chino, California, who was sentenced to 17 1/2 years in federal prison. “Ziska was convicted on federal racketeering charges for helping the Nazi Low Riders white supremacist prison gang distribute drugs and assault other inmates, and reportedly providing white supremacist indoctrination to an inmate,” the report notes. “Ziska advised he considered himself a government infiltrator consistent with National Socialism’s strategy for revolution.”
It’s not clear why the FBI chose to redact those sections. Markings indicate that officials believed redacted portions of the document would disclose techniques and procedures for law enforcement investigations or prosecutions, or would expose “substantial internal matters.” But some of the redacted text appears to refer to incidents already known to the public. The bureau has for years resisted calls for greater transparency with regard to its knowledge of white supremacist groups.
“The public deserves to see the truth reflected in this finally unredacted report,” Raskin said in a statement to The Intercept. “The FBI saw long ago the multiple potential dangers associated with violent white supremacy and its efforts to infiltrate local law enforcement with ideas, attitudes, and personnel.”
“The FBI’s continuing refusal to acknowledge and combat this threat, just like its refusal to appear today, constitutes a serious dereliction of duty,” Raskin added. The FBI was invited but declined to participate in today’s hearing, a spokesperson for the committee said. “These newly revealed passages underscore the seriousness of the threat posed by white supremacists to law enforcement personnel and the public at large. That the FBI has continued to withhold this full document, despite enormous public pressure, at a time when the white supremacist threat is rampant again, is indefensible.”
The FBI did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
In a report published last month by the Brennan Center for Justice, former FBI agent Mike German detailed law enforcement agencies’ longstanding failure to respond to affiliation with white supremacist and militant groups in their ranks, as well as the long history of law enforcement involvement in white supremacist violence.
Since 2000, law enforcement officials with alleged connections to white supremacist groups have been exposed in more than a dozen states, while hundreds of federal, state, and local law enforcement officials have been caught expressing racist, nativist, and sexist views on social media, “which demonstrates that overt bias is far too common,” German noted in the report.
“Efforts to address systemic and implicit biases in law enforcement are unlikely to be effective in reducing the racial disparities in the criminal justice system as long as explicit racism in law enforcement continues to endure,” German wrote in that report. “There is ample evidence to demonstrate that it does.”
The FBI threat assessment report was released by Rep. Jamie Raskin, chair of the House Committee on Oversight and Reform’s Civil Rights and Civil Liberties Subcommittee, ahead of a hearing about the white supremacist infiltration of local police departments scheduled for Tuesday.
A heavily redacted version of the 2006 document had previously been published, one of a handful of documents revealing federal officials’ growing concern with white supremacists’ “historical” interest in “infiltrating law enforcement communities or recruiting law enforcement personnel.” A different internal document obtained by The Intercept in 2017 had also noted that “domestic terrorism investigations focused on militia extremists, white supremacist extremists, and sovereign citizen extremists often have identified active links to law enforcement officers.”
The unredacted version of the first document sheds further light on the FBI’s concerns, as early as 2006, about “self-initiated efforts by individuals, particularly among those already within law enforcement ranks, to volunteer their professional resources to white supremacist causes with which they sympathize.”
“Having personnel within law enforcement agencies has historically been and will continue to be a desired asset for white supremacist groups seeking to anticipate law enforcement interest in and actions against them,” the report notes in a section that was previously redacted.
Another previously redacted section warned of “factors that might generate sympathies among existing law enforcement personnel and cause them to volunteer their support to white supremacist causes,” which could include hostility toward developments in U.S. domestic and foreign policies “that conflict with white supremacist ideologies,” the report warns.
Some redactions do not seem to be justified, for instance, the FBI’s conclusion that “white supremacist infiltration of law enforcement can result in other abuses of authority and passive tolerance of racism within communities served” — an apparent recognition of the potential harm to the public posed by white supremacist individuals embedded in police departments.
Other redactions relate to incidents of compromised intelligence. The unredacted document notes that “a white supremacist leader is known to have acquired a sensitive FBI Intelligence Bulletin on the white supremacist movement that had been posted on Law Enforcement Online and had inadvertently become publicly accessible through a law enforcement Web site. In addition to identifying the FBI personnel who prepared the bulletin, the document identified the FBI’s targeting interests within the white supremacist movement.”
The redactions also include examples of “strategic infiltration and recruitment campaigns” by white supremacist groups. “Most information about systematic attempts by white supremacist groups to infiltrate law enforcement involves efforts by the National Alliance (NA) during the era of its founder, William Pierce, and in the years immediately following his death in 2002,” the document notes. “White supremacist infiltration of the federal government, including the FBI, plays a prominent role in Pierce’s novels, The Turner Diaries (1978) and Hunter (1989), both widely read works that are sometimes interpreted as practical guidance within white supremacist circles.”
The memo goes on to note that active and retired law enforcement personnel were known to have joined the National Alliance, in some cases holding regional leadership roles in the organization, and raises concerns that the group’s successful efforts to infiltrate law enforcement would likely benefit other white supremacist groups with which it shared intelligence.
The redacted sections also include two examples of what the FBI refers to as “white supremacist sympathizers.” In one, the memo mentions that “in July 2006, a former police officer with possible ties to the KKK was charged with civil rights violations involving alleged death threats made against black schoolchildren and a black city council member.” In another, the report mentions the case of Shayne Allyn Ziska, a state correctional officer at the California Institution for Men in Chino, California, who was sentenced to 17 1/2 years in federal prison. “Ziska was convicted on federal racketeering charges for helping the Nazi Low Riders white supremacist prison gang distribute drugs and assault other inmates, and reportedly providing white supremacist indoctrination to an inmate,” the report notes. “Ziska advised he considered himself a government infiltrator consistent with National Socialism’s strategy for revolution.”
It’s not clear why the FBI chose to redact those sections. Markings indicate that officials believed redacted portions of the document would disclose techniques and procedures for law enforcement investigations or prosecutions, or would expose “substantial internal matters.” But some of the redacted text appears to refer to incidents already known to the public. The bureau has for years resisted calls for greater transparency with regard to its knowledge of white supremacist groups.
“The public deserves to see the truth reflected in this finally unredacted report,” Raskin said in a statement to The Intercept. “The FBI saw long ago the multiple potential dangers associated with violent white supremacy and its efforts to infiltrate local law enforcement with ideas, attitudes, and personnel.”
“The FBI’s continuing refusal to acknowledge and combat this threat, just like its refusal to appear today, constitutes a serious dereliction of duty,” Raskin added. The FBI was invited but declined to participate in today’s hearing, a spokesperson for the committee said. “These newly revealed passages underscore the seriousness of the threat posed by white supremacists to law enforcement personnel and the public at large. That the FBI has continued to withhold this full document, despite enormous public pressure, at a time when the white supremacist threat is rampant again, is indefensible.”
The FBI did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
In a report published last month by the Brennan Center for Justice, former FBI agent Mike German detailed law enforcement agencies’ longstanding failure to respond to affiliation with white supremacist and militant groups in their ranks, as well as the long history of law enforcement involvement in white supremacist violence.
Since 2000, law enforcement officials with alleged connections to white supremacist groups have been exposed in more than a dozen states, while hundreds of federal, state, and local law enforcement officials have been caught expressing racist, nativist, and sexist views on social media, “which demonstrates that overt bias is far too common,” German noted in the report.
“Efforts to address systemic and implicit biases in law enforcement are unlikely to be effective in reducing the racial disparities in the criminal justice system as long as explicit racism in law enforcement continues to endure,” German wrote in that report. “There is ample evidence to demonstrate that it does.”
US Cops Are Treating White Militias as “Heavily Armed Friendlies”
BY Kristian Williams, Truthout
PUBLISHED September 17, 2020
A video from the uprising in Kenosha, Wisconsin, shows police giving water to a group of armed white men. One officer uses his vehicle’s loudspeaker to tell them, “We appreciate you guys. We really do.” Soon thereafter, one of the group, 17-year-old Kyle Rittenhouse, shot three protesters, killing two.
Among the many effects of the ongoing wave of protests against police violence and racial inequality, one of the most striking is the increasingly overt cooperation between the police and armed right-wing groups, surpassing anything we have seen in decades.
Cops in Portland, Oregon, stood by while Proud Boys and militiamen, some brandishing guns, attacked anti-fascist protesters; when the Proud Boys retreated, the cops fired tear gas. In Albuquerque, New Mexico, after a pro-police political candidate fired into a crowd of protesters, armed militiamen with the New Mexico Civil Guard formed a protective circle around him — and then police formed a protective circle around them, and tear-gassed the protesters. Calling over the police radio, one officer described the militia as “heavily armed friendlies.”
During Black Lives Matter protests in Chicago, police were seen casually chatting with white men with bats, maintaining a border between historically segregated areas. The cops later described them as “neighborhood people just trying to protect the neighborhood.” In Philadelphia, as men with clubs wandered the streets menacing passersby during anti-racist demonstrations, police told neighbors who called 911 that they should be grateful the men were there to protect the area.
John Shirley, the constable in Hood County, Texas, posted a “Call to Action,” asking the Oath Keepers to help protect local businesses. In Oregon, Curry County Sheriff John Ward fed baseless rumors of an “antifa invasion,” warning that “3 buss [sic] loads of ANTIFA protestors are making their way” to small towns in the area. He followed with a prediction/invitation: “I am sure we have a lot of local boys too with guns who will protect our citizens and their property.” Weeks later, as wildfires raged across Oregon, a Clackamas County deputy was recorded blaming antifa for the fires and coaching a militia patrol on the option to use force.
This cozy relationship with right-wing militias and racist mobs cannot be explained by the (very real) prejudices of individual cops, nor by the (equally real) attempts of white supremacists to infiltrate police agencies. It has to be understood as an institutional feature of policing.
Vigilantes, lynch mobs, militias, paramilitaries and death squads all belong on the same spectrum as sheriffs’ posses and police. Whatever may separate them in terms of legality is secondary to what they share in terms of political orientation. In each case, the distinguishing characteristic is the use of violence in the defense of a threatened racial hierarchy.
Racist Continuities
These recent incidents only continue a well-established historical pattern.
Following the Civil War, police were often participants, or even leaders, of the extralegal violence intended to return African Americans to enslavement. They continued to play this role well into the 20th century. In the Detroit riot of 1943, as Black and white crowds battled one another, driven by false rumors of a Black man raping a white woman, the police barely discouraged the white mobs, while aggressively beating and shooting Black people at random — killing 17 Black people, but no whites. In an article titled “The Gestapo in Detroit,” NAACP attorney and later Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall argued that such a performance was typical: “[N]early all police departments limit their conception of checking racial disorders to surrounding, arresting, maltreating, and shooting Negroes. Little attempt is made to check the activities of whites.”
During the 1950s and 1960s, in addition to their overt use of clubs, dogs and fire hoses against civil rights demonstrators, the police were also often involved in illegal violence directed against the movement. That includes some of the most notorious cases of Klan violence from the period, such as the Mother’s Day attack on the Freedom Riders, and the murder of three young civil rights workers during Mississippi Summer. In the first, Police Chief Bull Connor and Red Squad detective Tom Cook met with Klan leaders, promising that the police would give them at least 15 minutes in which to attack Freedom Riders without interference. In the second case, Deputy Cecil Price arrested the three civil rights workers, drove them to a deserted area, and handed them over to Klansmen who shot and killed them.
It doesn’t take protests to bring these dynamics to the surface. Following Hurricane Katrina, New Orleans was full of men with guns — police, sheriff deputies, National Guard troops, private mercenaries and vigilante militias. Armed amateurs patrolled in pickup trucks and set up roadblocks to prevent Black people from crossing through white neighborhoods. One vigilante stated frankly that they shot anyone “darker than a brown paper bag.” The police were indifferent, and possibly complicit. They refused to take action when Black residents complained of being threatened. And Henry Glover, a Black man who had been shot by white vigilantes, disappeared after he went to the police station for help. His charred remains were discovered a few days later.
Allied Against the Left
It is not only racial panic that cements the bond between the police and the far right, but an antipathy to the idea of equality as such, which also produces hostility against the left. In Los Angeles in the early 20th century, the police deputized members of the American Legion’s “law and order committee” and together raided meetings of the Industrial Workers of the World. During the Palmer Raids of 1919, the Justice Department’s efforts to round up and deport radicals were aided both by local cops and by the American Protective League, a volunteer organization devoted to combating espionage, apprehending draft dodgers and spying on immigrants.
Decades later, in Michigan, a Klan offshoot called the Black Legion beat and sometimes murdered suspected radicals, bombed their offices and burned their homes; the group counted a hundred police officers among its members. During the late 1960s, the Legion of Justice conducted a series of burglaries, beatings and arson attacks on behalf of Chicago’s Red Squad. In San Diego, the Secret Army Organization — a group led and armed by an FBI informant — assaulted Chicano activists, trashed the offices of radical newspapers and attempted to assassinate antiwar organizers.
Police were similarly implicated in North Carolina’s Greensboro massacre of 1979, when members of the American Nazi Party and the Ku Klux Klan attacked a demonstration organized by the Communist Workers Party, killing five and injuring 10 more. At the time of the attack, uniformed police were mysteriously absent. Covert agents, however, were very much there: Eddie Dawson, who later said that he was “in charge” of the assault, was a paid informant for the Greensboro Police Department (and, previously, for the FBI). He recruited the Klansmen, arranged the meeting with the Nazis and supplied them with a map of the march route, which he had received from his police handlers. Bernard Butkovich, a Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives agent who had infiltrated the Nazi Party, provided the guns.
Asymmetrical Warfare
As right-wing militants have come to view themselves as insurgents against the existing order, and as police have adopted the rhetoric of diversity and inclusion, the relationship between the cops and the militant right has naturally shifted. And yet, there remains a permanent bias in the police approach to the activities of the right compared to those of the left. There are obvious double standards in the official response to extremism and violence —and even in what activities the police consider “extremism” or describe as “violence.”
That is not to say that the alignment between law enforcement and the far right is automatic, or absolute. The police can move against the right wing when they decide to: For instance, soon after two men associated with the Boogaloo movement were arrested for killing two law enforcement officers, and shooting several others, Attorney General William Barr announced a task force to investigate the Boogaloo Boys (and, incongruously, antifa). Within a few weeks, two more Boogaloo Boys were caught selling illegal weapons in an FBI sting. The crackdown echoes federal efforts against the militia movement in the ‘90s, following the Oklahoma City Bombing. Then, too, when the government pursued right-wing terrorists, its efforts tended to focus narrowly on prosecutable crimes, whereas investigations into environmentalists and anarchists during the same period sprawled broadly across the relevant movements and often took on an explicitly ideological tone.
Likewise, in the ‘60s, the FBI did eventually undertake a covert campaign to infiltrate and disrupt the Klan, known as COINTELPRO-WHITE HATE — but 98 percent of its counterintelligence files from the period concerned leftists. The Klan was only targeted following direct orders from President Lyndon Johnson. And, as author and sociologist David Cunningham argues, the Bureau pursued “distinct overall strategies” against the right and left, aiming “to control the Klan’s violent tendencies,” while attempting “to eliminate the New Left altogether.”
Between the police and the organized right there exists an elective affinity, whereas between the police and the organized left there is always a structural antagonism. The defining feature of right-wing politics is its resistance to egalitarianism, while the core function of policing is the defense of existing inequalities. This sometimes puts them at odds — especially when the right threatens the stability of the overall system or directs violence against the police — but more often it puts them on more or less the same side, especially when both are mobilized to defend a system of stratification that they see being threatened. In contrast, the defining feature of the left is its pursuit of ever-greater equality and justice, which inevitably puts it into conflict with both the insurgent right and counterinsurgent police.
The left, the right and the police are together engaged in what Matthew Lyons has long characterized as a three-way fight. But the triangle they form is not equilateral. The police and the right sometimes conflict and sometimes join forces — whereas the left always faces two adversaries.
Among the many effects of the ongoing wave of protests against police violence and racial inequality, one of the most striking is the increasingly overt cooperation between the police and armed right-wing groups, surpassing anything we have seen in decades.
Cops in Portland, Oregon, stood by while Proud Boys and militiamen, some brandishing guns, attacked anti-fascist protesters; when the Proud Boys retreated, the cops fired tear gas. In Albuquerque, New Mexico, after a pro-police political candidate fired into a crowd of protesters, armed militiamen with the New Mexico Civil Guard formed a protective circle around him — and then police formed a protective circle around them, and tear-gassed the protesters. Calling over the police radio, one officer described the militia as “heavily armed friendlies.”
During Black Lives Matter protests in Chicago, police were seen casually chatting with white men with bats, maintaining a border between historically segregated areas. The cops later described them as “neighborhood people just trying to protect the neighborhood.” In Philadelphia, as men with clubs wandered the streets menacing passersby during anti-racist demonstrations, police told neighbors who called 911 that they should be grateful the men were there to protect the area.
John Shirley, the constable in Hood County, Texas, posted a “Call to Action,” asking the Oath Keepers to help protect local businesses. In Oregon, Curry County Sheriff John Ward fed baseless rumors of an “antifa invasion,” warning that “3 buss [sic] loads of ANTIFA protestors are making their way” to small towns in the area. He followed with a prediction/invitation: “I am sure we have a lot of local boys too with guns who will protect our citizens and their property.” Weeks later, as wildfires raged across Oregon, a Clackamas County deputy was recorded blaming antifa for the fires and coaching a militia patrol on the option to use force.
This cozy relationship with right-wing militias and racist mobs cannot be explained by the (very real) prejudices of individual cops, nor by the (equally real) attempts of white supremacists to infiltrate police agencies. It has to be understood as an institutional feature of policing.
Vigilantes, lynch mobs, militias, paramilitaries and death squads all belong on the same spectrum as sheriffs’ posses and police. Whatever may separate them in terms of legality is secondary to what they share in terms of political orientation. In each case, the distinguishing characteristic is the use of violence in the defense of a threatened racial hierarchy.
Racist Continuities
These recent incidents only continue a well-established historical pattern.
Following the Civil War, police were often participants, or even leaders, of the extralegal violence intended to return African Americans to enslavement. They continued to play this role well into the 20th century. In the Detroit riot of 1943, as Black and white crowds battled one another, driven by false rumors of a Black man raping a white woman, the police barely discouraged the white mobs, while aggressively beating and shooting Black people at random — killing 17 Black people, but no whites. In an article titled “The Gestapo in Detroit,” NAACP attorney and later Supreme Court Justice Thurgood Marshall argued that such a performance was typical: “[N]early all police departments limit their conception of checking racial disorders to surrounding, arresting, maltreating, and shooting Negroes. Little attempt is made to check the activities of whites.”
During the 1950s and 1960s, in addition to their overt use of clubs, dogs and fire hoses against civil rights demonstrators, the police were also often involved in illegal violence directed against the movement. That includes some of the most notorious cases of Klan violence from the period, such as the Mother’s Day attack on the Freedom Riders, and the murder of three young civil rights workers during Mississippi Summer. In the first, Police Chief Bull Connor and Red Squad detective Tom Cook met with Klan leaders, promising that the police would give them at least 15 minutes in which to attack Freedom Riders without interference. In the second case, Deputy Cecil Price arrested the three civil rights workers, drove them to a deserted area, and handed them over to Klansmen who shot and killed them.
It doesn’t take protests to bring these dynamics to the surface. Following Hurricane Katrina, New Orleans was full of men with guns — police, sheriff deputies, National Guard troops, private mercenaries and vigilante militias. Armed amateurs patrolled in pickup trucks and set up roadblocks to prevent Black people from crossing through white neighborhoods. One vigilante stated frankly that they shot anyone “darker than a brown paper bag.” The police were indifferent, and possibly complicit. They refused to take action when Black residents complained of being threatened. And Henry Glover, a Black man who had been shot by white vigilantes, disappeared after he went to the police station for help. His charred remains were discovered a few days later.
Allied Against the Left
It is not only racial panic that cements the bond between the police and the far right, but an antipathy to the idea of equality as such, which also produces hostility against the left. In Los Angeles in the early 20th century, the police deputized members of the American Legion’s “law and order committee” and together raided meetings of the Industrial Workers of the World. During the Palmer Raids of 1919, the Justice Department’s efforts to round up and deport radicals were aided both by local cops and by the American Protective League, a volunteer organization devoted to combating espionage, apprehending draft dodgers and spying on immigrants.
Decades later, in Michigan, a Klan offshoot called the Black Legion beat and sometimes murdered suspected radicals, bombed their offices and burned their homes; the group counted a hundred police officers among its members. During the late 1960s, the Legion of Justice conducted a series of burglaries, beatings and arson attacks on behalf of Chicago’s Red Squad. In San Diego, the Secret Army Organization — a group led and armed by an FBI informant — assaulted Chicano activists, trashed the offices of radical newspapers and attempted to assassinate antiwar organizers.
Police were similarly implicated in North Carolina’s Greensboro massacre of 1979, when members of the American Nazi Party and the Ku Klux Klan attacked a demonstration organized by the Communist Workers Party, killing five and injuring 10 more. At the time of the attack, uniformed police were mysteriously absent. Covert agents, however, were very much there: Eddie Dawson, who later said that he was “in charge” of the assault, was a paid informant for the Greensboro Police Department (and, previously, for the FBI). He recruited the Klansmen, arranged the meeting with the Nazis and supplied them with a map of the march route, which he had received from his police handlers. Bernard Butkovich, a Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives agent who had infiltrated the Nazi Party, provided the guns.
Asymmetrical Warfare
As right-wing militants have come to view themselves as insurgents against the existing order, and as police have adopted the rhetoric of diversity and inclusion, the relationship between the cops and the militant right has naturally shifted. And yet, there remains a permanent bias in the police approach to the activities of the right compared to those of the left. There are obvious double standards in the official response to extremism and violence —and even in what activities the police consider “extremism” or describe as “violence.”
That is not to say that the alignment between law enforcement and the far right is automatic, or absolute. The police can move against the right wing when they decide to: For instance, soon after two men associated with the Boogaloo movement were arrested for killing two law enforcement officers, and shooting several others, Attorney General William Barr announced a task force to investigate the Boogaloo Boys (and, incongruously, antifa). Within a few weeks, two more Boogaloo Boys were caught selling illegal weapons in an FBI sting. The crackdown echoes federal efforts against the militia movement in the ‘90s, following the Oklahoma City Bombing. Then, too, when the government pursued right-wing terrorists, its efforts tended to focus narrowly on prosecutable crimes, whereas investigations into environmentalists and anarchists during the same period sprawled broadly across the relevant movements and often took on an explicitly ideological tone.
Likewise, in the ‘60s, the FBI did eventually undertake a covert campaign to infiltrate and disrupt the Klan, known as COINTELPRO-WHITE HATE — but 98 percent of its counterintelligence files from the period concerned leftists. The Klan was only targeted following direct orders from President Lyndon Johnson. And, as author and sociologist David Cunningham argues, the Bureau pursued “distinct overall strategies” against the right and left, aiming “to control the Klan’s violent tendencies,” while attempting “to eliminate the New Left altogether.”
Between the police and the organized right there exists an elective affinity, whereas between the police and the organized left there is always a structural antagonism. The defining feature of right-wing politics is its resistance to egalitarianism, while the core function of policing is the defense of existing inequalities. This sometimes puts them at odds — especially when the right threatens the stability of the overall system or directs violence against the police — but more often it puts them on more or less the same side, especially when both are mobilized to defend a system of stratification that they see being threatened. In contrast, the defining feature of the left is its pursuit of ever-greater equality and justice, which inevitably puts it into conflict with both the insurgent right and counterinsurgent police.
The left, the right and the police are together engaged in what Matthew Lyons has long characterized as a three-way fight. But the triangle they form is not equilateral. The police and the right sometimes conflict and sometimes join forces — whereas the left always faces two adversaries.
MULTIPLE BOSTON COPS ARRESTED FOR ‘STEALING TAXPAYER MONEY’ OVER THE COURSE OF SEVERAL YEARS
MATT NAHAM - LAW & CRIME
SEP 2ND, 2020, 9:43 AM
Nine current or former police officers were arrested for “stealing taxpayer money” through overtime pay fraud in a years-long scheme. U.S. Attorney for the District of Massachusetts Andrew Lelling said on Wednesday that although he supports police in general, official misconduct needs to be punished.
“I am a strong supporter of the police, especially in these difficult times. But all must be treated equally under the law, regardless of wealth, power or station,” Lelling said. “These officers are charged with stealing taxpayer money, year after year, through fraud. Beyond the theft of funds, this kind of official misconduct also erodes trust in public institutions, at a time when that trust is most needed.”
The officers, scheduled to make virtual court appearances on Wednesday, have been identified. These are the retired officers facing charges: Sergeant Gerard O’Brien, 62; Sergeant Robert Twitchell, 58; Officer Henry Doherty, 61; Officer Diana Lopez, 58; Officer James Carnes, 57, Officer Ronald Nelson, 60. The current officers, who have been suspended without pay pending the outcome of the case: Lieutenant Timothy Torigian, 54; Officer Michael Murphy, 60; Officer Kendra Conway, 49.
The feds say that the defendants are all charged with a count of “conspiracy to commit theft concerning programs receiving federal funds” and a count of “embezzlement from an agency receiving federal funds.”
Here’s how the scheme allegedly worked:
According to the indictment, the defendants were assigned to Boston Police Department’s (BPD) Evidence Control Unit (ECU), where they were responsible for, among other things, storing, cataloging and retrieving evidence at the warehouse. ECU officers were eligible to earn overtime pay of 1.5 times their regular hourly pay rate for overtime assignments. It is alleged that beginning in at least May 2016, the defendants routinely departed overtime shifts two or more hours early but submitted false and fraudulent overtime slips claiming to have worked the entirety of each shift.
One overtime shift, called “purge” overtime, was focused on reducing the inventory of the evidence warehouse. The shift was supposed to be performed from 4:00 to 8:00 p.m. on weekdays. On days which the defendants claimed to have worked until 8:00 p.m., the warehouse was closed, locked and alarmed well before 8:00 p.m., and often by 6:00 p.m. or before. Despite this, it is alleged that the defendants routinely submitted false and fraudulent overtime slips claiming to have worked from 4:00 to 8:00 p.m. Supervisors, who also left early from this shift, allegedly submitted their own false and fraudulent slips and also knowingly endorsed the fraudulent overtime slips of their subordinates.
Another shift, called “kiosk” overtime, was available to two ECU officers one Saturday a month from 6:00 a.m. to 2:30 p.m. This shift involved collecting materials, such as unused prescription drugs, from kiosks in each police district in the city and then transporting the materials to an incinerator in Saugus. It is alleged that defendants who performed this overtime shift routinely submitted overtime slips claiming to have worked eight and a half hours when in fact the defendants frequently completed the work and left the shift early, often before 10:00 a.m.
It is alleged that the charged officers “collectively embezzled over $200,000 in overtime pay” from May 2016 to Feb. 2019. At the same time, the Boston Police Department was receiving more than $10,000 per year in federal grants (that was from 2016 to 2018).
Boston Police Commissioner William Gross said in a statement that the alleged actions of these officers were outliers that do not reflect broadly on the rest of the department.
“The allegations and behavior alleged in today’s indictments is very troubling and in no way reflect the attitudes of the hard-working employees of the Boston Police Department,” Gross said. “I hold my officers to the highest standards and expect them to obey all the laws that they have taken an oath to uphold. News of these indictments sends a strong message that this type of behavior will not be tolerated or ignored and can damage the trust my officers have worked so hard to build with the communities we serve.”
Lelling thanked Gross for his cooperation in the investigation.
“I am a strong supporter of the police, especially in these difficult times. But all must be treated equally under the law, regardless of wealth, power or station,” Lelling said. “These officers are charged with stealing taxpayer money, year after year, through fraud. Beyond the theft of funds, this kind of official misconduct also erodes trust in public institutions, at a time when that trust is most needed.”
The officers, scheduled to make virtual court appearances on Wednesday, have been identified. These are the retired officers facing charges: Sergeant Gerard O’Brien, 62; Sergeant Robert Twitchell, 58; Officer Henry Doherty, 61; Officer Diana Lopez, 58; Officer James Carnes, 57, Officer Ronald Nelson, 60. The current officers, who have been suspended without pay pending the outcome of the case: Lieutenant Timothy Torigian, 54; Officer Michael Murphy, 60; Officer Kendra Conway, 49.
The feds say that the defendants are all charged with a count of “conspiracy to commit theft concerning programs receiving federal funds” and a count of “embezzlement from an agency receiving federal funds.”
Here’s how the scheme allegedly worked:
According to the indictment, the defendants were assigned to Boston Police Department’s (BPD) Evidence Control Unit (ECU), where they were responsible for, among other things, storing, cataloging and retrieving evidence at the warehouse. ECU officers were eligible to earn overtime pay of 1.5 times their regular hourly pay rate for overtime assignments. It is alleged that beginning in at least May 2016, the defendants routinely departed overtime shifts two or more hours early but submitted false and fraudulent overtime slips claiming to have worked the entirety of each shift.
One overtime shift, called “purge” overtime, was focused on reducing the inventory of the evidence warehouse. The shift was supposed to be performed from 4:00 to 8:00 p.m. on weekdays. On days which the defendants claimed to have worked until 8:00 p.m., the warehouse was closed, locked and alarmed well before 8:00 p.m., and often by 6:00 p.m. or before. Despite this, it is alleged that the defendants routinely submitted false and fraudulent overtime slips claiming to have worked from 4:00 to 8:00 p.m. Supervisors, who also left early from this shift, allegedly submitted their own false and fraudulent slips and also knowingly endorsed the fraudulent overtime slips of their subordinates.
Another shift, called “kiosk” overtime, was available to two ECU officers one Saturday a month from 6:00 a.m. to 2:30 p.m. This shift involved collecting materials, such as unused prescription drugs, from kiosks in each police district in the city and then transporting the materials to an incinerator in Saugus. It is alleged that defendants who performed this overtime shift routinely submitted overtime slips claiming to have worked eight and a half hours when in fact the defendants frequently completed the work and left the shift early, often before 10:00 a.m.
It is alleged that the charged officers “collectively embezzled over $200,000 in overtime pay” from May 2016 to Feb. 2019. At the same time, the Boston Police Department was receiving more than $10,000 per year in federal grants (that was from 2016 to 2018).
Boston Police Commissioner William Gross said in a statement that the alleged actions of these officers were outliers that do not reflect broadly on the rest of the department.
“The allegations and behavior alleged in today’s indictments is very troubling and in no way reflect the attitudes of the hard-working employees of the Boston Police Department,” Gross said. “I hold my officers to the highest standards and expect them to obey all the laws that they have taken an oath to uphold. News of these indictments sends a strong message that this type of behavior will not be tolerated or ignored and can damage the trust my officers have worked so hard to build with the communities we serve.”
Lelling thanked Gross for his cooperation in the investigation.
White supremacists and militias have infiltrated police across US, report says
A former FBI agent has documented links between serving officers and racist militant activities in more than a dozen states
Sam Levin in Los Angeles
THE GUARDIAN
Thu 27 Aug 2020 10.13 EDT
White supremacist groups have infiltrated US law enforcement agencies in every region of the country over the last two decades, according to a new report about the ties between police and far-right vigilante groups.
In a timely new analysis, Michael German, a former FBI special agent who has written extensively on the ways that US law enforcement have failed to respond to far-right domestic terror threats, concludes that US law enforcement officials have been tied to racist militant activities in more than a dozen states since 2000, and hundreds of police officers have been caught posting racist and bigoted social media content.
The report notes that over the years, police links to militias and white supremacist groups have been uncovered in states including Alabama, California, Connecticut, Florida, Illinois, Louisiana, Michigan, Nebraska, Oklahoma, Oregon, Texas, Virginia, Washington and West Virginia.
Police in Sacramento, California, in 2018 worked with neo-Nazis to pursue charges against anti-racist activists, including some who had been stabbed, according to records.
And just this summer, German writes, an Orange county sheriff’s deputy and a Chicago policeman were caught wearing far-right militia logos; an Olympia, Washington, officer was photographed posing with a militia group; and Philadelphia police officers were filmed standing by while armed mobs attacked protesters and journalists.
The exact scale of ties between law enforcement and militias is hard to determine, German told the Guardian. “Nobody is collecting the data and nobody is actively looking for these law enforcement officers,” he said.
Officers’ racist activities are often known within their departments and generally result in punishment or termination following public scandals, the report notes. Few police agencies have explicit policies against affiliating with white supremacist groups. If police officers are disciplined, the measures often lead to protracted litigation.
Concerns about alleged relations between far-right groups and law enforcement in the US have intensified since the start of the protest movement sparked by the police killing of George Floyd. Police in states including California, Oregon, Illinois and Washington are now facing investigations for their alleged affinity to far-right groups opposing Black Lives Matter, according to the report.
This week, police in Kenosha, Wisconsin, faced intense scrutiny over their response to armed white men and militia groups gathered in the city amid demonstrations by Black Lives Matter activists and others over the police shooting of Jacob Blake, a Black father of three who was left paralyzed after being shot in the back. On Wednesday, Kyle Rittenhouse, a 17-year-old who appeared to consider himself a militia member and had posted “blue lives matter” content, was arrested on suspicion of murder after the fatal shooting of two protesters.
Activists in Kenosha say police there have responded aggressively and violently to Black Lives Matter demonstrators, while doing little to stop armed white vigilantes. Supporting their claims is at least one video taken before the shooting that showed police tossing bottled water to what appeared to be armed civilians, including one who appeared to be the shooter, the AP noted: “We appreciate you being here,” an officer said on loudspeaker.
Police also reportedly let the gunman walk past them with a rifle as the crowd yelled for him to be arrested because he had shot people, according to witnesses and video reviewed by the news agency.
The Kenosha sheriff, David Beth, has said the incident was chaotic and stressful.
German told the Guardian on Wednesday: “Far-right militants are allowed to engage in violence and walk away while protesters are met with violent police actions.” This “negligent response”, he added, empowers violent groups in dangerous and potentially lethal ways: “The most violent elements within these far-right militant groups believe that their conduct is sanctioned by the government. And therefore they’re much more willing to come out and engage in acts of violence against protesters.”
There is growing awareness in some parts of the government about the intensifying threat of white supremacy. The FBI and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) have directly identified white supremacists as the most lethal domestic terrorist threat in the country. According to German’s report, the FBI’s own internal documents have directly warned that the militia groups the agency is investigating often have “active links” to law enforcement.
And yet US agencies lack a national strategy to identify white supremacist police and root out this problem, German warned. Meanwhile, popular police reform efforts to address “implicit bias” have done nothing to confront explicit racism.
The FBI did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
As the calls to defund police have grown in recent months, law enforcement alignment with violent and racist groups only adds further fuel to the movement, German said. “In a time when the effort to defund police is getting some salience, the police are behaving in such a way as to justify that argument.”
In a timely new analysis, Michael German, a former FBI special agent who has written extensively on the ways that US law enforcement have failed to respond to far-right domestic terror threats, concludes that US law enforcement officials have been tied to racist militant activities in more than a dozen states since 2000, and hundreds of police officers have been caught posting racist and bigoted social media content.
The report notes that over the years, police links to militias and white supremacist groups have been uncovered in states including Alabama, California, Connecticut, Florida, Illinois, Louisiana, Michigan, Nebraska, Oklahoma, Oregon, Texas, Virginia, Washington and West Virginia.
Police in Sacramento, California, in 2018 worked with neo-Nazis to pursue charges against anti-racist activists, including some who had been stabbed, according to records.
And just this summer, German writes, an Orange county sheriff’s deputy and a Chicago policeman were caught wearing far-right militia logos; an Olympia, Washington, officer was photographed posing with a militia group; and Philadelphia police officers were filmed standing by while armed mobs attacked protesters and journalists.
The exact scale of ties between law enforcement and militias is hard to determine, German told the Guardian. “Nobody is collecting the data and nobody is actively looking for these law enforcement officers,” he said.
Officers’ racist activities are often known within their departments and generally result in punishment or termination following public scandals, the report notes. Few police agencies have explicit policies against affiliating with white supremacist groups. If police officers are disciplined, the measures often lead to protracted litigation.
Concerns about alleged relations between far-right groups and law enforcement in the US have intensified since the start of the protest movement sparked by the police killing of George Floyd. Police in states including California, Oregon, Illinois and Washington are now facing investigations for their alleged affinity to far-right groups opposing Black Lives Matter, according to the report.
This week, police in Kenosha, Wisconsin, faced intense scrutiny over their response to armed white men and militia groups gathered in the city amid demonstrations by Black Lives Matter activists and others over the police shooting of Jacob Blake, a Black father of three who was left paralyzed after being shot in the back. On Wednesday, Kyle Rittenhouse, a 17-year-old who appeared to consider himself a militia member and had posted “blue lives matter” content, was arrested on suspicion of murder after the fatal shooting of two protesters.
Activists in Kenosha say police there have responded aggressively and violently to Black Lives Matter demonstrators, while doing little to stop armed white vigilantes. Supporting their claims is at least one video taken before the shooting that showed police tossing bottled water to what appeared to be armed civilians, including one who appeared to be the shooter, the AP noted: “We appreciate you being here,” an officer said on loudspeaker.
Police also reportedly let the gunman walk past them with a rifle as the crowd yelled for him to be arrested because he had shot people, according to witnesses and video reviewed by the news agency.
The Kenosha sheriff, David Beth, has said the incident was chaotic and stressful.
German told the Guardian on Wednesday: “Far-right militants are allowed to engage in violence and walk away while protesters are met with violent police actions.” This “negligent response”, he added, empowers violent groups in dangerous and potentially lethal ways: “The most violent elements within these far-right militant groups believe that their conduct is sanctioned by the government. And therefore they’re much more willing to come out and engage in acts of violence against protesters.”
There is growing awareness in some parts of the government about the intensifying threat of white supremacy. The FBI and the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) have directly identified white supremacists as the most lethal domestic terrorist threat in the country. According to German’s report, the FBI’s own internal documents have directly warned that the militia groups the agency is investigating often have “active links” to law enforcement.
And yet US agencies lack a national strategy to identify white supremacist police and root out this problem, German warned. Meanwhile, popular police reform efforts to address “implicit bias” have done nothing to confront explicit racism.
The FBI did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
As the calls to defund police have grown in recent months, law enforcement alignment with violent and racist groups only adds further fuel to the movement, German said. “In a time when the effort to defund police is getting some salience, the police are behaving in such a way as to justify that argument.”
Cops unleash dog on Black man even though he was kneeling with his hands up
August 11, 2020
By Sky Palma - raw story
After someone overheard him arguing with his wife, the police were called to Jeffery Ryans’ Salt Lake City home. As a Black man who grew up in Alabama, Ryans told the Salt Lake Tribune that he knew to obey police instructions — but ultimately it wasn’t enough.
“I wasn’t running,” Ryans said. “I wasn’t fighting. I was just cooperating. We’ve been through this. We’ve seen this. Always cooperate with the police, no matter what.”
Bodycam footage shows Ryans kneeling on the ground with his hands in the air, but the K9 officer still unleashes the dog.
The footage shows the dog latch on to Ryans’ leg, all while another officer sits on top of him and handcuffs him. The K9 officer continued to order the dog to attack as it thrashed Ryans’ leg.
“Why are you doing this?” Ryans yells in the video. “Why are you biting me?”
“Good boy,” the officer tells the dog.
Ryans said the incident made him feel like a “chew toy.”
“I didn’t know why this was happening to me. That’s what was going through my mind. Why?” he said.
The Tribune says that Ryans is in the first stages of filing a lawsuit against the Salt Lake City Police. (VIDEO)
“I wasn’t running,” Ryans said. “I wasn’t fighting. I was just cooperating. We’ve been through this. We’ve seen this. Always cooperate with the police, no matter what.”
Bodycam footage shows Ryans kneeling on the ground with his hands in the air, but the K9 officer still unleashes the dog.
The footage shows the dog latch on to Ryans’ leg, all while another officer sits on top of him and handcuffs him. The K9 officer continued to order the dog to attack as it thrashed Ryans’ leg.
“Why are you doing this?” Ryans yells in the video. “Why are you biting me?”
“Good boy,” the officer tells the dog.
Ryans said the incident made him feel like a “chew toy.”
“I didn’t know why this was happening to me. That’s what was going through my mind. Why?” he said.
The Tribune says that Ryans is in the first stages of filing a lawsuit against the Salt Lake City Police. (VIDEO)
NYPD admits it’s used unmarked vehicles to apprehend suspects for “decades” after “disturbing” video
Though the video drew comparisons to Portland, the NYPD said no federal authorities were involved in the arrest
IGOR DERYSH - salon
JULY 29, 2020 3:10PM (UTC)
As the New York Police Department defended a viral video showing plainclothes officers forcefully detaining a trans protester in an unmarked van, the agency admitted that it has used similar vehicles to apprehend suspects for "decades."
A video posted Tuesday to Twitter by the independent journalist Michelle Lhooq shows men in shorts and T-shirts grab the trans protester and wrestle her into an unmarked van. About 15 seconds into the video, marked officers on bikes arrive to set up a perimeter around the van as the plainclothes officers rush to drive away. The incident took place in the Kips Bay neighborhood of Manhattan.
The protester was identified by her friends as an 18-year-old homeless trans woman named Nicki Stone. Stone was charged with multiple counts of vandalism and criminal mischief for allegedly spraying graffiti on police cameras and other locations around the city, Gothamist reported.
"Suddenly, there was an unmarked grey van that moved out in front of us that had been waiting for us," a protester named Derrick told the outlet. "Four guys jumped out and a line of police bicycles came out from down the block — we hadn't seen them. They pushed us back. They grabbed Nicki like she was a rag doll . . . They had her arms on her neck, and then they drove off. They're targeting our leaders – that's what's going to happen now."
The video drew widespread criticism. The Human Rights Campaign called it "deeply troubling." The American Civil Liberties Union said the video showed the protester was "abducted off the streets by unmarked 'officers.'"
"These dangerous, abusive, and indefensible actions must stop," the ACLU on Twitter. "Law enforcement must be held accountable."
Though the video drew comparisons to the federal officials deployed to Portland who have snatched protesters into unmarked vans ostensibly as part of President Donald Trump's executive order to protect monuments and federal property, the NYPD said no federal authorities were involved in the arrest.
The NYPD issued a statement on Twitter saying that Stone was wanted for damaging police cameras, and she was detained by the Warrant Squad, which uses unmarked vehicles to carry out arrests. NYPD Lt. John Grimpel told NBC News that the Warrant Squad has used unmarked vehicles to detain people for "decades."
"A woman taken into custody in an unmarked van was wanted for damaging police cameras during 5 separate criminal incidents in & around City Hall Park. The arresting officers were assaulted with rocks & bottles," the NYPD said, though the video does not appear to show officers being assaulted with neither rocks nor bottles.
"The Warrant Squad uses unmarked vehicles to effectively locate wanted suspects," the statement added. "When she was placed into the Warrant Squad's unmarked gray minivan, it was behind a cordon of NYPD bicycle cops in bright yellow and blue uniform shirts there to help effect the arrest."
Alex Vitale, the coordinator of the Policing and Social Justice Project at Brooklyn College and the author of "The End of Policing," refuted the NYPD's explanation.
"Those officers arrived after a violent arrest by non-uniformed officers in the middle of an active [protest]," he wrote. "This was a reckless and dangerous provocation."
Three witnesses who spoke to Gothamist also disputed the claim.
"None of that happened whatsoever," protester Clara Kraebber told the outlet. "We literally turned the corner and were met with a line of police who attacked us without warning."
Ali Bauman, a reporter at CBS New York, also questioned the explanation, asking why the NYPD would "not tell reporters where the woman was taken or where she is being processed."
New York City Councilwoman Carlina Rivera later tweeted early Wednesday morning that the protester had been released. Rivera called for an independent review of the arrest and "an immediate explanation for why an unmarked van full of officers was anywhere near a peaceful protest."
"It's clear that using an unmarked van and plainclothes officers to make an arrest for vandalism (in the middle of a peaceful protest) is a massive overstep," she added. "I'm exploring legislation."
Similar incidents have been seen in other cities. The San Diego Police Department launched an internal investigation after a viral video showed armed men, who did not identify themselves, detaining a young woman in an unmarked van outside of a high school last month. The SDPD said the men were plainclothes officers but refused to release any details of its investigation.
New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio has not commented on the video, and a spokeswoman referred questions to the NYPD statement. But other city leaders publicly questioned the arrest.
City Council Speaker Corey Johnson called the video "incredibly disturbing," according to The New York Times. New York City Comptroller Scott Stringer said he was "deeply concerned" by the arrest.
Organizers told The Times that the woman was arrested in connection with the clearing of an encampment outside City Hall, where demonstrators called for the city to defund the police. De Blasio touted that the City Council had voted to cut nearly $1 billion from the NYPD budget in response to demonstrations last month, though activists have called that claim a "lie."
New York criminal defense attorneys on Wednesday decried the arrest but noted that the tactic used in the video was not uncommon.
"This is not a new policing strategy - I mean, maybe for protests, but this is how NYPD polices Black and Brown neighborhoods," said civil rights attorney Rebecca Kavanagh. The reaction to the video, she said, was "white people waking up to a reality Black and Brown people have lived for decades."
"The thing about all the outrageous acts of police violence, nonsensical arrests and holding people indefinitely that have been shocking everyone in the news is that... it's always been happening," agreed Olayemi Olurin, a New York City public defender. "This is how they always conduct themselves. You just don't hear about it."
A video posted Tuesday to Twitter by the independent journalist Michelle Lhooq shows men in shorts and T-shirts grab the trans protester and wrestle her into an unmarked van. About 15 seconds into the video, marked officers on bikes arrive to set up a perimeter around the van as the plainclothes officers rush to drive away. The incident took place in the Kips Bay neighborhood of Manhattan.
The protester was identified by her friends as an 18-year-old homeless trans woman named Nicki Stone. Stone was charged with multiple counts of vandalism and criminal mischief for allegedly spraying graffiti on police cameras and other locations around the city, Gothamist reported.
"Suddenly, there was an unmarked grey van that moved out in front of us that had been waiting for us," a protester named Derrick told the outlet. "Four guys jumped out and a line of police bicycles came out from down the block — we hadn't seen them. They pushed us back. They grabbed Nicki like she was a rag doll . . . They had her arms on her neck, and then they drove off. They're targeting our leaders – that's what's going to happen now."
The video drew widespread criticism. The Human Rights Campaign called it "deeply troubling." The American Civil Liberties Union said the video showed the protester was "abducted off the streets by unmarked 'officers.'"
"These dangerous, abusive, and indefensible actions must stop," the ACLU on Twitter. "Law enforcement must be held accountable."
Though the video drew comparisons to the federal officials deployed to Portland who have snatched protesters into unmarked vans ostensibly as part of President Donald Trump's executive order to protect monuments and federal property, the NYPD said no federal authorities were involved in the arrest.
The NYPD issued a statement on Twitter saying that Stone was wanted for damaging police cameras, and she was detained by the Warrant Squad, which uses unmarked vehicles to carry out arrests. NYPD Lt. John Grimpel told NBC News that the Warrant Squad has used unmarked vehicles to detain people for "decades."
"A woman taken into custody in an unmarked van was wanted for damaging police cameras during 5 separate criminal incidents in & around City Hall Park. The arresting officers were assaulted with rocks & bottles," the NYPD said, though the video does not appear to show officers being assaulted with neither rocks nor bottles.
"The Warrant Squad uses unmarked vehicles to effectively locate wanted suspects," the statement added. "When she was placed into the Warrant Squad's unmarked gray minivan, it was behind a cordon of NYPD bicycle cops in bright yellow and blue uniform shirts there to help effect the arrest."
Alex Vitale, the coordinator of the Policing and Social Justice Project at Brooklyn College and the author of "The End of Policing," refuted the NYPD's explanation.
"Those officers arrived after a violent arrest by non-uniformed officers in the middle of an active [protest]," he wrote. "This was a reckless and dangerous provocation."
Three witnesses who spoke to Gothamist also disputed the claim.
"None of that happened whatsoever," protester Clara Kraebber told the outlet. "We literally turned the corner and were met with a line of police who attacked us without warning."
Ali Bauman, a reporter at CBS New York, also questioned the explanation, asking why the NYPD would "not tell reporters where the woman was taken or where she is being processed."
New York City Councilwoman Carlina Rivera later tweeted early Wednesday morning that the protester had been released. Rivera called for an independent review of the arrest and "an immediate explanation for why an unmarked van full of officers was anywhere near a peaceful protest."
"It's clear that using an unmarked van and plainclothes officers to make an arrest for vandalism (in the middle of a peaceful protest) is a massive overstep," she added. "I'm exploring legislation."
Similar incidents have been seen in other cities. The San Diego Police Department launched an internal investigation after a viral video showed armed men, who did not identify themselves, detaining a young woman in an unmarked van outside of a high school last month. The SDPD said the men were plainclothes officers but refused to release any details of its investigation.
New York City Mayor Bill de Blasio has not commented on the video, and a spokeswoman referred questions to the NYPD statement. But other city leaders publicly questioned the arrest.
City Council Speaker Corey Johnson called the video "incredibly disturbing," according to The New York Times. New York City Comptroller Scott Stringer said he was "deeply concerned" by the arrest.
Organizers told The Times that the woman was arrested in connection with the clearing of an encampment outside City Hall, where demonstrators called for the city to defund the police. De Blasio touted that the City Council had voted to cut nearly $1 billion from the NYPD budget in response to demonstrations last month, though activists have called that claim a "lie."
New York criminal defense attorneys on Wednesday decried the arrest but noted that the tactic used in the video was not uncommon.
"This is not a new policing strategy - I mean, maybe for protests, but this is how NYPD polices Black and Brown neighborhoods," said civil rights attorney Rebecca Kavanagh. The reaction to the video, she said, was "white people waking up to a reality Black and Brown people have lived for decades."
"The thing about all the outrageous acts of police violence, nonsensical arrests and holding people indefinitely that have been shocking everyone in the news is that... it's always been happening," agreed Olayemi Olurin, a New York City public defender. "This is how they always conduct themselves. You just don't hear about it."
NYPD DISAPPEARED BLACK LIVES MATTER PROTESTERS INTO DETENTION FOR DAYS AT A TIME. LAWMAKERS WANT TO END THE PRACTICE.
Daniel A. Medina - the intercept
July 22 2020, 9:41 a.m.
IN EARLY JUNE, hundreds of Black Lives Matter protesters languished for days in cramped New York City jail cells. Stuck in holding pens without masks and exposed to soiled conditions amid the coronavirus pandemic, they were unable to reach loved ones or lawyers. The protesters were effectively disappeared into New York City’s detention system.
Attorneys from the Legal Aid Society went to court to demand the protesters’ immediate release. In a lawsuit filed against the New York Police Department, attorneys from Legal Aid, a public defense organization, alleged that over 400 individuals in city detention facilities had been held for more than 24 hours without seeing a judge, in breach of state law and detainees’ constitutional rights.
The public defenders accused the police department of deliberately slow-rolling standard procedures to keep protesters in jail as payback for demonstrations against police brutality. Lawyers for the police asserted that the NYPD faced unprecedented challenges with both a pandemic and widespread protests raging.
In a one-line decision, Judge James M. Burke of the State Supreme Court in Manhattan sided with the police. “All writs are denied,” he ruled. In doing so, Burke accepted the NYPD’s rationale that the conditions on the ground should overrule preexisting state law: The 1991 Roundtree v. Brown decision established the 24-hour standard from arrest to arraignment.
Burke’s decision set off a firestorm. Protesters flocked to Manhattan’s Foley Square, near the state and federal courthouses, demanding the release of the protesters.
“The law doesn’t have a looter exception, it doesn’t have a Covid-19 exception,” said Russell Novack, one of the Legal Aid staff attorneys who brought the suit. “This was deliberate, intentional punishment for protesting.”
In the state capital of Albany, a progressive Democrat from Queens said his new bill would ensure that New Yorkers are never again disappeared into detention. State Sen. Michael Gianaris introduced a bill to codify the Roundtree decision and better track detentions. Already having pushed the legislation through two committees, Gianaris will bring his bill before the legislature’s full upper chamber on Wednesday.
The bill would oblige all police departments in New York State to either bring an arrested individual before a judge within 24 hours or immediately release them upon request.
It would also add a new section to the laws governing habeas corpus in New York, clarifying that anyone held for more than 24 hours before their arraignment is entitled to release unless the police produce “clear and convincing evidence that such a delay” is warranted. Under the new statute, police departments would have to give an individualized explanation for each person’s delay — something the NYPD did not have to do last month.
“In the United States, we like to fancy ourselves as having a justice system that protects civil liberties,” Gianaris told The Intercept. “An important tenet of that is that one shouldn’t be imprisoned without being found guilty of a crime and certainly not without being charged with a crime.”
A KEY COMPONENT of the bill, Gianaris said, is that it would force all municipalities in New York state with over a million residents — only New York City would qualify — to create a detained persons registry. The registry would serve as a database of all arrested individuals and be accessible only to authorized users from public defender organizations — such as the Legal Aid Society and others like the defenders network that operates around the city — contracted with the city to represent criminal defendants.
The registry would eliminate the arbitrary power of the police to disappear people in the system, he added. “That’s a very scary proposition,” Gianaris said of allowing police to hold individuals over 24 hours without seeing a judge.
The NYPD did not respond to requests for comment on the bill.
The bill is widely expected to sail through the Democratic-controlled Senate before heading to the Assembly as soon as this week. It is unclear whether Gov. Andrew Cuomo, who in June called on city district attorneys to keep looters in jail for longer than 24 hours, would seek to veto the measure.
The Intercept reached out to several protesters swept up in the mass arrests last month. All declined to speak on the record, citing ongoing cases against them, including breaking Mayor Bill de Blasio’s weeklong curfew, which could carry a Class-B misdemeanor charge.
The district attorneys for Manhattan, Brooklyn and the Bronx have publicly stated that they will not prosecute protesters arrested for low-level offenses. Still, the court cases remain scheduled, in September and October.
Steve Zeidman was a supervisor at the Legal Aid Society on the Roundtree case. Nearly three decades later, he said the decision has never been properly enforced. The Gianaris bill, he said, will only be successful if judges choose to enforce it.
“The court’s unwillingness to hold the prosecutors and the police department’s feet to the fire rendered the Roundtree decision toothless in many cases,” said Zeidman, a CUNY Law School professor. “The crisis is that this bill is even necessary.”
Attorneys from the Legal Aid Society went to court to demand the protesters’ immediate release. In a lawsuit filed against the New York Police Department, attorneys from Legal Aid, a public defense organization, alleged that over 400 individuals in city detention facilities had been held for more than 24 hours without seeing a judge, in breach of state law and detainees’ constitutional rights.
The public defenders accused the police department of deliberately slow-rolling standard procedures to keep protesters in jail as payback for demonstrations against police brutality. Lawyers for the police asserted that the NYPD faced unprecedented challenges with both a pandemic and widespread protests raging.
In a one-line decision, Judge James M. Burke of the State Supreme Court in Manhattan sided with the police. “All writs are denied,” he ruled. In doing so, Burke accepted the NYPD’s rationale that the conditions on the ground should overrule preexisting state law: The 1991 Roundtree v. Brown decision established the 24-hour standard from arrest to arraignment.
Burke’s decision set off a firestorm. Protesters flocked to Manhattan’s Foley Square, near the state and federal courthouses, demanding the release of the protesters.
“The law doesn’t have a looter exception, it doesn’t have a Covid-19 exception,” said Russell Novack, one of the Legal Aid staff attorneys who brought the suit. “This was deliberate, intentional punishment for protesting.”
In the state capital of Albany, a progressive Democrat from Queens said his new bill would ensure that New Yorkers are never again disappeared into detention. State Sen. Michael Gianaris introduced a bill to codify the Roundtree decision and better track detentions. Already having pushed the legislation through two committees, Gianaris will bring his bill before the legislature’s full upper chamber on Wednesday.
The bill would oblige all police departments in New York State to either bring an arrested individual before a judge within 24 hours or immediately release them upon request.
It would also add a new section to the laws governing habeas corpus in New York, clarifying that anyone held for more than 24 hours before their arraignment is entitled to release unless the police produce “clear and convincing evidence that such a delay” is warranted. Under the new statute, police departments would have to give an individualized explanation for each person’s delay — something the NYPD did not have to do last month.
“In the United States, we like to fancy ourselves as having a justice system that protects civil liberties,” Gianaris told The Intercept. “An important tenet of that is that one shouldn’t be imprisoned without being found guilty of a crime and certainly not without being charged with a crime.”
A KEY COMPONENT of the bill, Gianaris said, is that it would force all municipalities in New York state with over a million residents — only New York City would qualify — to create a detained persons registry. The registry would serve as a database of all arrested individuals and be accessible only to authorized users from public defender organizations — such as the Legal Aid Society and others like the defenders network that operates around the city — contracted with the city to represent criminal defendants.
The registry would eliminate the arbitrary power of the police to disappear people in the system, he added. “That’s a very scary proposition,” Gianaris said of allowing police to hold individuals over 24 hours without seeing a judge.
The NYPD did not respond to requests for comment on the bill.
The bill is widely expected to sail through the Democratic-controlled Senate before heading to the Assembly as soon as this week. It is unclear whether Gov. Andrew Cuomo, who in June called on city district attorneys to keep looters in jail for longer than 24 hours, would seek to veto the measure.
The Intercept reached out to several protesters swept up in the mass arrests last month. All declined to speak on the record, citing ongoing cases against them, including breaking Mayor Bill de Blasio’s weeklong curfew, which could carry a Class-B misdemeanor charge.
The district attorneys for Manhattan, Brooklyn and the Bronx have publicly stated that they will not prosecute protesters arrested for low-level offenses. Still, the court cases remain scheduled, in September and October.
Steve Zeidman was a supervisor at the Legal Aid Society on the Roundtree case. Nearly three decades later, he said the decision has never been properly enforced. The Gianaris bill, he said, will only be successful if judges choose to enforce it.
“The court’s unwillingness to hold the prosecutors and the police department’s feet to the fire rendered the Roundtree decision toothless in many cases,” said Zeidman, a CUNY Law School professor. “The crisis is that this bill is even necessary.”
The psychology of police violence: What makes so many cops have racial biases?
Are racist cops corrupted by power, or a self-selecting bunch? Psychologists share their insights
MATTHEW ROZSA - salon
JULY 5, 2020 11:30PM (UTC
Any way you slice it, the statistics about American policing are damning. One study estimated that African American men are 2.5 times more likely to be killed by police during their lifetime, while another discovered that African Americans are twice as likely to be unarmed when shot by police than white people. Multiple studies have found that police officers disproportionately stop African American and Hispanic drivers and are disproportionately more likely to search them, even though they discover less contraband. Although African Americans comprise only 13 percent of the total population, they make up a quarter of the police shooting victims and more than one-third of the unarmed victims whose police shootings were fatal.
That raises a psychological question: is there something about those who are drawn to policing that makes them more likely to target people of color? Or is something happening on the job that predisposes them to bias? Answering that means turning to psychology for answers.
"I think what causes it is a lot of different reasons," Dr. Jameca Woody-Cooper, a psychologist in St. Louis, told Salon. "The most obvious of them all is just pure hatred and discrimination. Not having exposure and close relationships with certain populations of people, they've been able to set up these biases and stereotypes over the years." She added that the individual backgrounds of specific officers probably contribute to this, including where they grow up, their parents and the beliefs with which they are raised.
"I think it culminates in them getting positions like police officers, where they have this unrestrained power, unchecked," Woody-Cooper told Salon. "It's kind of a chicken-or-the-egg thing. I think certain types of personalities are attracted to being police officers, maybe those who want power and feel like they haven't been able to take advantage of people."
Dennis Parker, director of the National Center for Law and Economic Justice, pointed to history as well as psychology as a guide.
"I think a lot of it comes from the fact that for really a large part of the history of the police department, part of their job was to treat people of color, particularly black people, differently," Parker explained. "Law enforcement was in some cases based in doing slave patrols to look for people who had escaped, and also to enforce laws that included segregation and things like that. There is a long history of it."
He also argued that police culture "permits and in some ways encourages violence," particularly through laws that actively militarize them. This can be a recipe for disaster: Citing the story of Tamir Rice, a 12-year-old boy in Cleveland who was shot by police while playing with a toy gun in a park, Parker explained that "you're giving power to people, who even if they are not explicitly racist, are affected by the same kind of implicit biases that everyone else is." In Rice's case, he noted that "there is a lot of research that shows that police and people in general tend to overestimate the age of black children and also black women, and so therefore feel a greater amount of threat and are more likely to respond as if they feel they are under threat, even if the circumstances don't warrant that."
Parker also ticked off a tendency among law enforcement to view areas with large African American populations as "battlegrounds," the fact that politicians like President Donald Trump use war-like language to describe the job facing police officers, and the trend of using police officers for jobs for which they're ill-equipped, like treating people with mental health problems.
"There is the old saying that, if you give someone a hammer, every problem looks like a nail," Parker told Salon. "I think that there is a tendency to treat everything as a situation where violence is appropriate or use of force is the appropriate response."
L. Song Richardson, Dean of the University of California, Irvine School of Law, believes that the racist cops can be split into two categories.
"We have the outright bigots, and because bigotry exists in our broader society, it's unsurprising that it also exists within police departments just as it would exist in any organization, in any institution," Richardson told Salon. "And then we have individuals who consciously think of themselves as egalitarian and fair, who would not associate themselves with outright bigotry, but who still engage in actions that a bigot would engage in. And that's because of their unconscious racial biases that they learned from living in a country that has been under white supremacy for centuries."
Like Parker, Richardson located much of the problem in the history behind police forces themselves.
"Policing practices that have not changed," Richardson explained. "If we think about the history of policing from the South, where it came out of the slave patrols and then police officers, as instruments of the state, also helped to enforce Jim Crow laws."
She added, "We can trace back from today, all the way back to the South and the way that police departments were created."
The next question is what policies can effectively address the problem of police racism and violence. On that, the experts diverged.
"The changes that occur have to be really broad, systematic ones," Parker said. "It's not enough to say we have to have some training or we have to hire more police offices of color. We really have to look at a question of how we truly assure safety, how we assure that whatever system is in place protects everyone and not just some people, whatever it would be." He added that the Defund the Police movement "comes from the recognition that the amount of money that's spent on law enforcement means that there's less money that's available for social services, for education, for job training, for the things that might themselves make communities far more safe."
He also emphasized, "At least one of the absolutely mandatory things is that the police can not be viewed as being above the law."
Richardson identified specific problems that law enforcement agencies need to address, telling Salon that the problems of police racism and violence won't be fixed "unless we have the stomach to [confront] problematic policing practices, such as stops and frisks and the war on drugs, unless we have the stomach to change the way that police departments train their officers, and unless we are willing to change the problematic Fourth Amendment doctrines that facilitate the type of practices that lead to racialized violence," including "qualified immunity cases that allow police officers to engage in shows of force with people of color and chase them without any reasonable suspicion or probable cause."
She concluded, "It's a whole system. It's the police departments, it's the training, it's the laws that apply to them, and the judges who allow these practices to continue based on the doctrine that they embrace."
Dr. Woody-Cooper concluded that "abolishing police could be a good thing, if I can see details about what that looks like" because the problem has gotten so bad.
"You have to start from scratch to rebuild because I think there's so much corruption and so much education and behavior that has been allowed to continue for generations," Dr. Woody-Cooper explained. "I don't know if it's possible to clean that up. I don't know if it's possible to make the type of change that's necessary because police don't really like to hold other police accountable."
That raises a psychological question: is there something about those who are drawn to policing that makes them more likely to target people of color? Or is something happening on the job that predisposes them to bias? Answering that means turning to psychology for answers.
"I think what causes it is a lot of different reasons," Dr. Jameca Woody-Cooper, a psychologist in St. Louis, told Salon. "The most obvious of them all is just pure hatred and discrimination. Not having exposure and close relationships with certain populations of people, they've been able to set up these biases and stereotypes over the years." She added that the individual backgrounds of specific officers probably contribute to this, including where they grow up, their parents and the beliefs with which they are raised.
"I think it culminates in them getting positions like police officers, where they have this unrestrained power, unchecked," Woody-Cooper told Salon. "It's kind of a chicken-or-the-egg thing. I think certain types of personalities are attracted to being police officers, maybe those who want power and feel like they haven't been able to take advantage of people."
Dennis Parker, director of the National Center for Law and Economic Justice, pointed to history as well as psychology as a guide.
"I think a lot of it comes from the fact that for really a large part of the history of the police department, part of their job was to treat people of color, particularly black people, differently," Parker explained. "Law enforcement was in some cases based in doing slave patrols to look for people who had escaped, and also to enforce laws that included segregation and things like that. There is a long history of it."
He also argued that police culture "permits and in some ways encourages violence," particularly through laws that actively militarize them. This can be a recipe for disaster: Citing the story of Tamir Rice, a 12-year-old boy in Cleveland who was shot by police while playing with a toy gun in a park, Parker explained that "you're giving power to people, who even if they are not explicitly racist, are affected by the same kind of implicit biases that everyone else is." In Rice's case, he noted that "there is a lot of research that shows that police and people in general tend to overestimate the age of black children and also black women, and so therefore feel a greater amount of threat and are more likely to respond as if they feel they are under threat, even if the circumstances don't warrant that."
Parker also ticked off a tendency among law enforcement to view areas with large African American populations as "battlegrounds," the fact that politicians like President Donald Trump use war-like language to describe the job facing police officers, and the trend of using police officers for jobs for which they're ill-equipped, like treating people with mental health problems.
"There is the old saying that, if you give someone a hammer, every problem looks like a nail," Parker told Salon. "I think that there is a tendency to treat everything as a situation where violence is appropriate or use of force is the appropriate response."
L. Song Richardson, Dean of the University of California, Irvine School of Law, believes that the racist cops can be split into two categories.
"We have the outright bigots, and because bigotry exists in our broader society, it's unsurprising that it also exists within police departments just as it would exist in any organization, in any institution," Richardson told Salon. "And then we have individuals who consciously think of themselves as egalitarian and fair, who would not associate themselves with outright bigotry, but who still engage in actions that a bigot would engage in. And that's because of their unconscious racial biases that they learned from living in a country that has been under white supremacy for centuries."
Like Parker, Richardson located much of the problem in the history behind police forces themselves.
"Policing practices that have not changed," Richardson explained. "If we think about the history of policing from the South, where it came out of the slave patrols and then police officers, as instruments of the state, also helped to enforce Jim Crow laws."
She added, "We can trace back from today, all the way back to the South and the way that police departments were created."
The next question is what policies can effectively address the problem of police racism and violence. On that, the experts diverged.
"The changes that occur have to be really broad, systematic ones," Parker said. "It's not enough to say we have to have some training or we have to hire more police offices of color. We really have to look at a question of how we truly assure safety, how we assure that whatever system is in place protects everyone and not just some people, whatever it would be." He added that the Defund the Police movement "comes from the recognition that the amount of money that's spent on law enforcement means that there's less money that's available for social services, for education, for job training, for the things that might themselves make communities far more safe."
He also emphasized, "At least one of the absolutely mandatory things is that the police can not be viewed as being above the law."
Richardson identified specific problems that law enforcement agencies need to address, telling Salon that the problems of police racism and violence won't be fixed "unless we have the stomach to [confront] problematic policing practices, such as stops and frisks and the war on drugs, unless we have the stomach to change the way that police departments train their officers, and unless we are willing to change the problematic Fourth Amendment doctrines that facilitate the type of practices that lead to racialized violence," including "qualified immunity cases that allow police officers to engage in shows of force with people of color and chase them without any reasonable suspicion or probable cause."
She concluded, "It's a whole system. It's the police departments, it's the training, it's the laws that apply to them, and the judges who allow these practices to continue based on the doctrine that they embrace."
Dr. Woody-Cooper concluded that "abolishing police could be a good thing, if I can see details about what that looks like" because the problem has gotten so bad.
"You have to start from scratch to rebuild because I think there's so much corruption and so much education and behavior that has been allowed to continue for generations," Dr. Woody-Cooper explained. "I don't know if it's possible to clean that up. I don't know if it's possible to make the type of change that's necessary because police don't really like to hold other police accountable."
Cop fired after racist remarks caught on tape “forgot” to disclose criminal record to department
Three cops were fired after patrol footage revealed racist remarks and threats of violence against Black residents
ROGER SOLLENBERGER - salon
JUNE 26, 2020 4:56PM (UTC)
Three officers were fired by the Wilmington Police Department on Thursday after they accidentally recorded themselves making openly racist comments and threats of violence against Black residents, according to investigators.
One of those men was accused in administrative court by the state of North Carolina of failure to disclose an extensive criminal record to the department, a 2014 filing shows.
James "Brian" Gilmore pleaded guilty in 2011 to driving while intoxicated, and he was subsequently suspended from the department for 30 days without pay, demoted from corporal officer to patrol officer and reassigned to another unit.
The follow-up internal investigation dragged up old infractions, which Gilmore had failed to disclose upon his hiring in 1997. According to the 2014 filing, those included another DWI, as well as citations for purchasing alcohol for a minor, possession of alcohol as a minor, a hit-and-run on an unattended vehicle and illegally fishing.
In the 2014 hearing, which Gilmore had requested an appeal to argue that he should not lose his shield, the officer explained to a North Carolina administrative court judge that his father had retained an attorney to represent him in connection with those charges, and "his father handled the matter for him." He also told the court that he "did not recall that there had been a DWI charge."
This Wednesday, investigators revealed that Gilmore was caught on tape earlier this month criticizing the Black Lives Matter protests in Wilmington with fellow officer Michael "Kevin" Piner, who told Gilmore the department's only concern seemed to be "kneeling down with the Black folks."
Gilmore replied that he had seen a video on social media of white individuals kneeling in solidarity, which he characterized as "white people bowing down on their knees and worshipping Blacks," according to a report released by the department this week.
The show of solidarity also featured a "fine looking white girl and this little punk pretty boy bowing down and kissing their toes," Gilmore was quoted as saying.
Their conversation was captured when Piner accidentally turned on his patrol video recorder, and was later discovered in a routine audit of patrol footage.
According to the police report, Gilmore attempted to explain the remarks to department investigators by claiming that the social media video had disturbed him because the Bible instructs "thou shall not bow to any idol."
In the 2014 hearing, one of Gilmore's department colleagues who testified to his character said, "He treats the public well . . . He's an excellent police officer . . . If you could have a picture of a community policing officer, it would be Brian Gilmore."
Though the administrative judge in the proceeding found that the evidence against Gilmore had constituted "material misrepresentations," he ruled that it did not prove the officer had intentionally deceived the department by failing to reveal his record.
The judge wrote that the testimony of fellow officers demonstrated that Gilmore had "very favorable character traits including that of honesty, truthfulness, integrity, professionalism and dedication to law enforcement service."
The judge also noted that the department chief at the time, Ralph M. Evangelous, who resigned this January, considered Gilmore a "good police officer" despite the missing paperwork and recent DWI. Testimony from fellow men and women in blue, the judge wrote, indicated that Gilmore had "redeemed himself for that error in judgment."
In the end, the administrative court recommended the state not strip Gilmore's state certification. Two months later, an attorney for the state and the state's law enforcement commission agreed.
Current Wilmington Chief of Police Donny Williams said this Wednesday that all three officers had been fired for misconduct, and the department was working with the state to determine whether to revoke their certifications.
"There are certain behaviors that one must have in order to be a police officer, and these three officers have demonstrated that they do not possess it," he said in a statement.
While the department found that Gilmore's racist remarks met the bar for misconduct, investigators labeled Piner's conversations with Cpl. Jesse Moore as "hate speech."
The investigative report detailed recorded conversations in which those two officers criticized the department's response to the Black Lives Matter protests that erupted nationwide after the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis police custody, calling one of their Black colleagues a "piece of sh*t" and claiming another had been "sitting on his ass" during the demonstrations.
"Let's see how his boys take care of him when sh*t gets rough," Piner said in the recording. "See if they don't put a bullet in his head."
Moore, who like Gilmore joined the force in 1997, later described to Piner the recent arrest of a Black woman, whom he repeatedly called the N-word, adding: "She needed a bullet in the head right then and move on."
"Let's move the body out of the way and keep going," Moore added.
"That's what I've been trying to tell you," Piner replied.
Moore also called a Black judge a "fucking negro magistrate."
Piner, upon predicting that the protests would lead to a second Civil War, volunteered that he was preparing to buy an assault rifle.
"We are just going to go out and start slaughtering them," Piner said, adding the N-word.
"God, I can't wait," he continued.
Moore said he would not do that.
Piner said he welcomed a second Civil War, because it would "wipe 'em off the f***ing map. That'll put 'em back about four or five generations."
"You're crazy," Moore replied.
The officers have maintained they are not racist but had only been "venting," arguing, per the report, that the "stress of today's climate in law enforcement" was too much to bear.
Piner acknowledged that the tape was "embarrassing," but said he had recently been afraid for his family's safety and reached a "breaking point."
Chief Williams, a Black man who formally took office only days ago following months serving in an acting capacity, called the conversations "brutally offensive" and released a summary of the department's internal investigation in a show of transparency.
"This is the most exceptional and difficult case I have encountered in my career," he said. "We must establish new reforms for policing here at home and throughout this country."
The department's public information officer told Salon in a phone call that two of the three officers had filed for restraining orders against the department. The court tossed the requests, but ordered the department not to comment on the case beyond the materials made public.
District Attorney Ben David announced Thursday that his office was in the process of dismissing or reviewing the 89 pending cases involving Piner, Moore or Gilmore.
"Since learning about the terminations, my office has undertaken a review of all cases where these officers were the primary charging officers. [Some] cases were dismissed [Wednesday], and the individuals charged will be notified by mail of these dismissals in the coming days," David said.
Of the cases under review, 24 are Piner's, 32 are Moore's, and 33 are Gilmore's. Some carry serious charges, including an assault on a woman, felony larceny and at least one case of felony assault with a deadly weapon resulting in serious injury.
Neither Gilmore, Moore nor Piner responded to Salon's request for comment.
One of those men was accused in administrative court by the state of North Carolina of failure to disclose an extensive criminal record to the department, a 2014 filing shows.
James "Brian" Gilmore pleaded guilty in 2011 to driving while intoxicated, and he was subsequently suspended from the department for 30 days without pay, demoted from corporal officer to patrol officer and reassigned to another unit.
The follow-up internal investigation dragged up old infractions, which Gilmore had failed to disclose upon his hiring in 1997. According to the 2014 filing, those included another DWI, as well as citations for purchasing alcohol for a minor, possession of alcohol as a minor, a hit-and-run on an unattended vehicle and illegally fishing.
In the 2014 hearing, which Gilmore had requested an appeal to argue that he should not lose his shield, the officer explained to a North Carolina administrative court judge that his father had retained an attorney to represent him in connection with those charges, and "his father handled the matter for him." He also told the court that he "did not recall that there had been a DWI charge."
This Wednesday, investigators revealed that Gilmore was caught on tape earlier this month criticizing the Black Lives Matter protests in Wilmington with fellow officer Michael "Kevin" Piner, who told Gilmore the department's only concern seemed to be "kneeling down with the Black folks."
Gilmore replied that he had seen a video on social media of white individuals kneeling in solidarity, which he characterized as "white people bowing down on their knees and worshipping Blacks," according to a report released by the department this week.
The show of solidarity also featured a "fine looking white girl and this little punk pretty boy bowing down and kissing their toes," Gilmore was quoted as saying.
Their conversation was captured when Piner accidentally turned on his patrol video recorder, and was later discovered in a routine audit of patrol footage.
According to the police report, Gilmore attempted to explain the remarks to department investigators by claiming that the social media video had disturbed him because the Bible instructs "thou shall not bow to any idol."
In the 2014 hearing, one of Gilmore's department colleagues who testified to his character said, "He treats the public well . . . He's an excellent police officer . . . If you could have a picture of a community policing officer, it would be Brian Gilmore."
Though the administrative judge in the proceeding found that the evidence against Gilmore had constituted "material misrepresentations," he ruled that it did not prove the officer had intentionally deceived the department by failing to reveal his record.
The judge wrote that the testimony of fellow officers demonstrated that Gilmore had "very favorable character traits including that of honesty, truthfulness, integrity, professionalism and dedication to law enforcement service."
The judge also noted that the department chief at the time, Ralph M. Evangelous, who resigned this January, considered Gilmore a "good police officer" despite the missing paperwork and recent DWI. Testimony from fellow men and women in blue, the judge wrote, indicated that Gilmore had "redeemed himself for that error in judgment."
In the end, the administrative court recommended the state not strip Gilmore's state certification. Two months later, an attorney for the state and the state's law enforcement commission agreed.
Current Wilmington Chief of Police Donny Williams said this Wednesday that all three officers had been fired for misconduct, and the department was working with the state to determine whether to revoke their certifications.
"There are certain behaviors that one must have in order to be a police officer, and these three officers have demonstrated that they do not possess it," he said in a statement.
While the department found that Gilmore's racist remarks met the bar for misconduct, investigators labeled Piner's conversations with Cpl. Jesse Moore as "hate speech."
The investigative report detailed recorded conversations in which those two officers criticized the department's response to the Black Lives Matter protests that erupted nationwide after the death of George Floyd in Minneapolis police custody, calling one of their Black colleagues a "piece of sh*t" and claiming another had been "sitting on his ass" during the demonstrations.
"Let's see how his boys take care of him when sh*t gets rough," Piner said in the recording. "See if they don't put a bullet in his head."
Moore, who like Gilmore joined the force in 1997, later described to Piner the recent arrest of a Black woman, whom he repeatedly called the N-word, adding: "She needed a bullet in the head right then and move on."
"Let's move the body out of the way and keep going," Moore added.
"That's what I've been trying to tell you," Piner replied.
Moore also called a Black judge a "fucking negro magistrate."
Piner, upon predicting that the protests would lead to a second Civil War, volunteered that he was preparing to buy an assault rifle.
"We are just going to go out and start slaughtering them," Piner said, adding the N-word.
"God, I can't wait," he continued.
Moore said he would not do that.
Piner said he welcomed a second Civil War, because it would "wipe 'em off the f***ing map. That'll put 'em back about four or five generations."
"You're crazy," Moore replied.
The officers have maintained they are not racist but had only been "venting," arguing, per the report, that the "stress of today's climate in law enforcement" was too much to bear.
Piner acknowledged that the tape was "embarrassing," but said he had recently been afraid for his family's safety and reached a "breaking point."
Chief Williams, a Black man who formally took office only days ago following months serving in an acting capacity, called the conversations "brutally offensive" and released a summary of the department's internal investigation in a show of transparency.
"This is the most exceptional and difficult case I have encountered in my career," he said. "We must establish new reforms for policing here at home and throughout this country."
The department's public information officer told Salon in a phone call that two of the three officers had filed for restraining orders against the department. The court tossed the requests, but ordered the department not to comment on the case beyond the materials made public.
District Attorney Ben David announced Thursday that his office was in the process of dismissing or reviewing the 89 pending cases involving Piner, Moore or Gilmore.
"Since learning about the terminations, my office has undertaken a review of all cases where these officers were the primary charging officers. [Some] cases were dismissed [Wednesday], and the individuals charged will be notified by mail of these dismissals in the coming days," David said.
Of the cases under review, 24 are Piner's, 32 are Moore's, and 33 are Gilmore's. Some carry serious charges, including an assault on a woman, felony larceny and at least one case of felony assault with a deadly weapon resulting in serious injury.
Neither Gilmore, Moore nor Piner responded to Salon's request for comment.
US policing
similar to how the kkk was funded!!!
How Starbucks, Target, Google and Microsoft quietly fund police through private donations
More than 25 large corporations in the past three years have contributed funding to private police foundations, new report says
Kari Paul
the guardian
Thu 18 Jun 2020 19.37 EDT
Protests over police violence and racism have amplified calls to re-examine police budgets in the United States, with several large companies announcing they are re-evaluating their commercial ties with police departments.
But a new report sheds light on the myriad other ways corporations engage with police forces, including by donating to police foundations that don’t face the same scrutiny as police departments.
The report was released on Thursday by the Public Accountability Initiative, a nonprofit corporate and government accountability research institute, and its research database project LittleSis. It details how more than 25 large corporations in the past three years have contributed funding to private police foundations – industry groups designated as nonprofits that provide additional funds to police forces.
Police proponents say the foundations have emerged as police departments face budget cuts and are a means to supplement the force with top-of-the-line technology and weaponry. But critics argue police departments are already overfunded – they receive 20% to 45% of discretionary funds in cities across the US – and that funding through foundations allows police to operate with little oversight. Foundations, according to a 2014 report from ProPublica, “can be a way for wealthy donors and corporations to influence law enforcement agencies’ priorities”.
Legally, police budgets are typically public documents that must be approved by elected officials. But designated as private charities, police foundations are not subject to the same public information laws that apply to law enforcement agencies.
These foundations receive millions of dollars a year from private and corporate donors, according to the report, and are able to use the funds to purchase equipment and weapons with little public input. The analysis notes, for example, how the Los Angeles police department in 2007 used foundation funding to purchase surveillance software from controversial technology firm Palantir. Buying the technology with private foundation funding rather than its public budget allowed the department to bypass requirements to hold public meetings and gain approval from the city council.
The Houston police foundation has purchased for the local police department a variety of equipment, including Swat equipment, sound equipment and dogs for the K-9 unit, according to the report. The Philadelphia police foundation purchased for its police force long guns, drones and ballistic helmets, and the Atlanta police foundation helped fund a major surveillance network of over 12,000 cameras.
In addition to weaponry, foundation funding can also go toward specialized training and support programs that complement the department’s policing strategies, according to one police foundation.
“Not a lot of people are aware of this public-private partnership where corporations and wealthy donors are able to siphon money into police forces with little to no oversight,” said Gin Armstrong, a senior research analyst at LittleSis.
A variety of companies – including financial institutions, technology companies, retailers, local universities and sports teams, provide funding to police foundations. Donations may be, in part, to curry favor with a force that exists primarily to protect property and capital, the report said.
“Police foundations are a key space for orchestrating, normalizing and celebrating the collaboration between corporate power and the police,” the LittleSis report said.
Among the companies with ties to police is Amazon. The online giant last week implemented a one-year moratorium on the use of its artificial intelligence software Rekognition by police departments after extended criticism from human rights groups.
But the company still has a number of less-direct connections to the police, according to the LittleSis report. A representative of the company currently sits on the executive committee of the Seattle police foundation’s board and Amazon has been an official partner to the police foundation, donating at least $5,000 according to the foundation website.
It also donates to police foundations across the US through its charitable program, AmazonSmile and still partners with more than 1,000 police forces through its smart doorbell product Ring.
Amazon declined to comment on its continued ties with police and police foundations.
Bank of America has seats on both the Chicago and New York City police foundation boards. According to tax filings examined by LittleSis, it has given hundreds of thousands of dollars to police foundations, including $200,000 to the NYC police foundation, $51,250 to the Atlanta police foundation, $25,000 to the Boston police foundation, $10,000 to the Los Angeles police foundation, as well as smaller donations to police foundations in Yarmouth, Massachusetts; Sarasota, Florida; Abilene, Texas; Duluth, Minnesota; Bellevue, Washington; and Sacramento and Glendale, California.
Bank of America announced on 2 June a four-year commitment to support economic opportunity initiatives to combat racial inequality accelerated by the global pandemic.
Seattle-based Starbucks is an active donor to the Seattle police foundation and has a representative on its board, according to the report. The coffee retailer also recently donated $25,000 to the NYC police foundation.
Bank of America and Starbucks did not respond to requests for comment.
Target has made major contributions to police foundations across the country, according to the report, including the NYC, Atlanta and Seattle police foundations. A $200,000 donation from Target in 2007 helped the LA police foundation purchase sophisticated surveillance equipment for the LAPD, the report found.
Currently, Target is a sponsor of the Washington DC police foundation and has a representative on the board, the report notes. In addition to funding police foundations, Target offers additional funding to local agencies through its “public safety grant” program.
A spokesman for Target said the donation to police foundations is a “very small portion of the 5% of annual profits Target gives back to the community”.
Facebook, Google and Microsoft are also all partners and donors to the Seattle police foundation, and Microsoft sits on the foundation’s board, the report found. Microsoft and Facebook declined to comment on their donations to police foundations. Google did not respond to request for comment.
Microsoft has publicly stated it will ban police from using its facial recognition technology.
Evan Greer, the deputy director of digital rights group Fight for the Future, said the report highlights companies can’t claim to stand for human rights while funding government agencies accused of violating them. “Corporations who cozy up to police, build surveillance software to them, or funnel them money through shady donations are actively propping up systemic racist violence and oppression.”
But a new report sheds light on the myriad other ways corporations engage with police forces, including by donating to police foundations that don’t face the same scrutiny as police departments.
The report was released on Thursday by the Public Accountability Initiative, a nonprofit corporate and government accountability research institute, and its research database project LittleSis. It details how more than 25 large corporations in the past three years have contributed funding to private police foundations – industry groups designated as nonprofits that provide additional funds to police forces.
Police proponents say the foundations have emerged as police departments face budget cuts and are a means to supplement the force with top-of-the-line technology and weaponry. But critics argue police departments are already overfunded – they receive 20% to 45% of discretionary funds in cities across the US – and that funding through foundations allows police to operate with little oversight. Foundations, according to a 2014 report from ProPublica, “can be a way for wealthy donors and corporations to influence law enforcement agencies’ priorities”.
Legally, police budgets are typically public documents that must be approved by elected officials. But designated as private charities, police foundations are not subject to the same public information laws that apply to law enforcement agencies.
These foundations receive millions of dollars a year from private and corporate donors, according to the report, and are able to use the funds to purchase equipment and weapons with little public input. The analysis notes, for example, how the Los Angeles police department in 2007 used foundation funding to purchase surveillance software from controversial technology firm Palantir. Buying the technology with private foundation funding rather than its public budget allowed the department to bypass requirements to hold public meetings and gain approval from the city council.
The Houston police foundation has purchased for the local police department a variety of equipment, including Swat equipment, sound equipment and dogs for the K-9 unit, according to the report. The Philadelphia police foundation purchased for its police force long guns, drones and ballistic helmets, and the Atlanta police foundation helped fund a major surveillance network of over 12,000 cameras.
In addition to weaponry, foundation funding can also go toward specialized training and support programs that complement the department’s policing strategies, according to one police foundation.
“Not a lot of people are aware of this public-private partnership where corporations and wealthy donors are able to siphon money into police forces with little to no oversight,” said Gin Armstrong, a senior research analyst at LittleSis.
A variety of companies – including financial institutions, technology companies, retailers, local universities and sports teams, provide funding to police foundations. Donations may be, in part, to curry favor with a force that exists primarily to protect property and capital, the report said.
“Police foundations are a key space for orchestrating, normalizing and celebrating the collaboration between corporate power and the police,” the LittleSis report said.
Among the companies with ties to police is Amazon. The online giant last week implemented a one-year moratorium on the use of its artificial intelligence software Rekognition by police departments after extended criticism from human rights groups.
But the company still has a number of less-direct connections to the police, according to the LittleSis report. A representative of the company currently sits on the executive committee of the Seattle police foundation’s board and Amazon has been an official partner to the police foundation, donating at least $5,000 according to the foundation website.
It also donates to police foundations across the US through its charitable program, AmazonSmile and still partners with more than 1,000 police forces through its smart doorbell product Ring.
Amazon declined to comment on its continued ties with police and police foundations.
Bank of America has seats on both the Chicago and New York City police foundation boards. According to tax filings examined by LittleSis, it has given hundreds of thousands of dollars to police foundations, including $200,000 to the NYC police foundation, $51,250 to the Atlanta police foundation, $25,000 to the Boston police foundation, $10,000 to the Los Angeles police foundation, as well as smaller donations to police foundations in Yarmouth, Massachusetts; Sarasota, Florida; Abilene, Texas; Duluth, Minnesota; Bellevue, Washington; and Sacramento and Glendale, California.
Bank of America announced on 2 June a four-year commitment to support economic opportunity initiatives to combat racial inequality accelerated by the global pandemic.
Seattle-based Starbucks is an active donor to the Seattle police foundation and has a representative on its board, according to the report. The coffee retailer also recently donated $25,000 to the NYC police foundation.
Bank of America and Starbucks did not respond to requests for comment.
Target has made major contributions to police foundations across the country, according to the report, including the NYC, Atlanta and Seattle police foundations. A $200,000 donation from Target in 2007 helped the LA police foundation purchase sophisticated surveillance equipment for the LAPD, the report found.
Currently, Target is a sponsor of the Washington DC police foundation and has a representative on the board, the report notes. In addition to funding police foundations, Target offers additional funding to local agencies through its “public safety grant” program.
A spokesman for Target said the donation to police foundations is a “very small portion of the 5% of annual profits Target gives back to the community”.
Facebook, Google and Microsoft are also all partners and donors to the Seattle police foundation, and Microsoft sits on the foundation’s board, the report found. Microsoft and Facebook declined to comment on their donations to police foundations. Google did not respond to request for comment.
Microsoft has publicly stated it will ban police from using its facial recognition technology.
Evan Greer, the deputy director of digital rights group Fight for the Future, said the report highlights companies can’t claim to stand for human rights while funding government agencies accused of violating them. “Corporations who cozy up to police, build surveillance software to them, or funnel them money through shady donations are actively propping up systemic racist violence and oppression.”
A Buffalo police officer says she stopped a fellow cop's chokehold on a black suspect. She was fired.
cbs news
6/19/2020
Former Buffalo police officer Cariol Horne was fired in 2008 after she says she stopped a white officer's chokehold on a black suspect in handcuffs. Now, the Buffalo city council is asking the New York attorney general to investigate Horne's firing.
Horne, a nearly 20-year veteran of the Buffalo Police Department, told CBS News correspondent Jericka Duncan the image of George Floyd dying at the hands of police in Minneapolis is triggering.
"Looking at the video, it was very upsetting, and I felt that if one of those officers has stepped in that he would be alive today," she said.
Derek Chauvin, the officer who pressed his knee into Floyd's neck while he was on the ground and handcuffed, was fired and later charged with second-degree murder. Three other officers at the scene were charged with aiding and abetting a murder.
In 2006, then-officer Horne made headlines after intervening when she says fellow officer Greg Kwiatkowski was choking a black suspect, Neal Mack.
"Neal Mack looked like he was about to die," Horne said. "So had I not stepped in, he possibly could have. He was handcuffed and being choked."
The Buffalo Police Department brought disciplinary charges against Horne and fired her in 2008, a few months before she was eligible to receive a full pension. Kwiatkowski sued Horne and her lawyer for defamation.
In 2011, a judge found that eight statements Horne's lawyer made were defamatory and false, including the claim that Horne "saved the life of a suspect who was already in handcuffs and was being choked out by officer Greg Kwiatkowski."
Mack, the suspect at the center of the nearly 14-year-old case, maintains to this day that Horne saved his life.
"He was choking me. I was handcuffed. Cariol Horne said, 'You killing him, Greg,' and she reached over and tried to grab his hand around my neck," Mack said.
In 2012, in a lawsuit brought by Mack, a jury found no wrongdoing by the Buffalo police officers involved in his arrest.
As for Kwiatkowski, he was sentenced to four months in federal prison in 2018 for using "unlawful and unreasonable force" against four black teenagers.
"Unlawful, unnecessary force, the same thing that I said he did," Horne said.
Horne said she has turned her pain into activism. When she saw the video of Buffalo police pushing a 75-year-old protestor to the ground, she said she was disgusted.
"So now if they can push the 75-year-old white man when it's still daylight out, just think of what they do to our young black kids at nighttime," she said.
Horne said she's at peace because she stands by what she did. Still, she broke down when asked how this has impacted her children.
"It's important for me to be truthful because this has been a lot of years, so when you talk about where did the raw emotion come from, it's because ... I have fought all of these years and tried to keep it together for my children," she said.
Horne is now fighting for her full pension and pushing to pass Cariole's Law, which she said would protect police who intervene from being retaliated against.
The Buffalo Police Department told CBS News that in 2006, Horne requested that her case be reviewed by an independent arbitrator. The arbitrator recommended termination after lengthy hearings and the police commissioner at the time followed that recommendation.
Former Buffalo police lieutenant Kwiatkowski could not be reached, and his former lawyers did not respond to requests for comment.
Horne, a nearly 20-year veteran of the Buffalo Police Department, told CBS News correspondent Jericka Duncan the image of George Floyd dying at the hands of police in Minneapolis is triggering.
"Looking at the video, it was very upsetting, and I felt that if one of those officers has stepped in that he would be alive today," she said.
Derek Chauvin, the officer who pressed his knee into Floyd's neck while he was on the ground and handcuffed, was fired and later charged with second-degree murder. Three other officers at the scene were charged with aiding and abetting a murder.
In 2006, then-officer Horne made headlines after intervening when she says fellow officer Greg Kwiatkowski was choking a black suspect, Neal Mack.
"Neal Mack looked like he was about to die," Horne said. "So had I not stepped in, he possibly could have. He was handcuffed and being choked."
The Buffalo Police Department brought disciplinary charges against Horne and fired her in 2008, a few months before she was eligible to receive a full pension. Kwiatkowski sued Horne and her lawyer for defamation.
In 2011, a judge found that eight statements Horne's lawyer made were defamatory and false, including the claim that Horne "saved the life of a suspect who was already in handcuffs and was being choked out by officer Greg Kwiatkowski."
Mack, the suspect at the center of the nearly 14-year-old case, maintains to this day that Horne saved his life.
"He was choking me. I was handcuffed. Cariol Horne said, 'You killing him, Greg,' and she reached over and tried to grab his hand around my neck," Mack said.
In 2012, in a lawsuit brought by Mack, a jury found no wrongdoing by the Buffalo police officers involved in his arrest.
As for Kwiatkowski, he was sentenced to four months in federal prison in 2018 for using "unlawful and unreasonable force" against four black teenagers.
"Unlawful, unnecessary force, the same thing that I said he did," Horne said.
Horne said she has turned her pain into activism. When she saw the video of Buffalo police pushing a 75-year-old protestor to the ground, she said she was disgusted.
"So now if they can push the 75-year-old white man when it's still daylight out, just think of what they do to our young black kids at nighttime," she said.
Horne said she's at peace because she stands by what she did. Still, she broke down when asked how this has impacted her children.
"It's important for me to be truthful because this has been a lot of years, so when you talk about where did the raw emotion come from, it's because ... I have fought all of these years and tried to keep it together for my children," she said.
Horne is now fighting for her full pension and pushing to pass Cariole's Law, which she said would protect police who intervene from being retaliated against.
The Buffalo Police Department told CBS News that in 2006, Horne requested that her case be reviewed by an independent arbitrator. The arbitrator recommended termination after lengthy hearings and the police commissioner at the time followed that recommendation.
Former Buffalo police lieutenant Kwiatkowski could not be reached, and his former lawyers did not respond to requests for comment.
We found 85,000 cops who’ve been investigated for misconduct. Now you can read their records.
In 2019, USA TODAY led a national effort to publish disciplinary records for police officers. George Floyd's death has renewed calls for transparency
John Kelly, and Mark Nichols, USA TODAY
Updated 6:48 a.m. PDT June 11, 2020
At least 85,000 law enforcement officers across the USA have been investigated or disciplined for misconduct over the past decade, an investigation by USA TODAY Network found.
Officers have beaten members of the public, planted evidence and used their badges to harass women. They have lied, stolen, dealt drugs, driven drunk and abused their spouses.
Despite their role as public servants, the men and women who swear an oath to keep communities safe can generally avoid public scrutiny for their misdeeds.
The records of their misconduct are filed away, rarely seen by anyone outside their departments. Police unions and their political allies have worked to put special protections in place ensuring some records are shielded from public view, or even destroyed.
Reporters from USA TODAY, its affiliated newsrooms across the country and the nonprofit Invisible Institute in Chicago spent more than a year creating the biggest collection of police misconduct records.
Obtained from thousands of state agencies, prosecutors, police departments and sheriffs, the records detail at least 200,000 incidents of alleged misconduct, much of it previously unreported. The records obtained include more than 110,000 internal affairs investigations by hundreds of individual departments and more than 30,000 officers who were decertified by 44 state oversight agencies.
Among the findings:
The level of oversight varies widely from state to state. Georgia and Florida decertified thousands of police officers for everything from crimes to questions about their fitness to serve; other states banned almost none.
That includes Maryland, home to the Baltimore Police Department, which regularly has been in the news for criminal behavior by police. Over nearly a decade, Maryland revoked the certifications of just four officers. In Minneapolis, where officer Derek Chauvin kneeled on the neck of George Floyd until he died, at least seven police officers have been decertified since 2009, according to state records.
Floyd's death sparked mass protests across the U.S. and around the world with millions of people calling for accountability for violent officers and the departments that allow them to retain their badge. It "was not just a tragedy, it was a crime," said The Rev. Al Sharpton, delivering the eulogy at Floyd's funeral on June 9.
"Until the law is upheld and people know they will go to jail," Sharpton said, "they're going to keep doing it, because they're protected by wickedness in high places."[...]
Search the database: Exclusive USA TODAY list of decertified officers and their records
Officers have beaten members of the public, planted evidence and used their badges to harass women. They have lied, stolen, dealt drugs, driven drunk and abused their spouses.
Despite their role as public servants, the men and women who swear an oath to keep communities safe can generally avoid public scrutiny for their misdeeds.
The records of their misconduct are filed away, rarely seen by anyone outside their departments. Police unions and their political allies have worked to put special protections in place ensuring some records are shielded from public view, or even destroyed.
Reporters from USA TODAY, its affiliated newsrooms across the country and the nonprofit Invisible Institute in Chicago spent more than a year creating the biggest collection of police misconduct records.
Obtained from thousands of state agencies, prosecutors, police departments and sheriffs, the records detail at least 200,000 incidents of alleged misconduct, much of it previously unreported. The records obtained include more than 110,000 internal affairs investigations by hundreds of individual departments and more than 30,000 officers who were decertified by 44 state oversight agencies.
Among the findings:
- Most misconduct involves routine infractions, but the records reveal tens of thousands of cases of serious misconduct and abuse. They include 22,924 investigations of officers using excessive force, 3,145 allegations of rape, child molestation and other sexual misconduct and 2,307 cases of domestic violence by officers.
- Dishonesty is a frequent problem. The records document at least 2,227 instances of perjury, tampering with evidence or witnesses or falsifying reports. There were 418 reports of officers obstructing investigations, most often when they or someone they knew were targets.
- Less than 10% of officers in most police forces get investigated for misconduct. Yet some officers are consistently under investigation. Nearly 2,500 have been investigated on 10 or more charges. Twenty faced 100 or more allegations yet kept their badge for years.
The level of oversight varies widely from state to state. Georgia and Florida decertified thousands of police officers for everything from crimes to questions about their fitness to serve; other states banned almost none.
That includes Maryland, home to the Baltimore Police Department, which regularly has been in the news for criminal behavior by police. Over nearly a decade, Maryland revoked the certifications of just four officers. In Minneapolis, where officer Derek Chauvin kneeled on the neck of George Floyd until he died, at least seven police officers have been decertified since 2009, according to state records.
Floyd's death sparked mass protests across the U.S. and around the world with millions of people calling for accountability for violent officers and the departments that allow them to retain their badge. It "was not just a tragedy, it was a crime," said The Rev. Al Sharpton, delivering the eulogy at Floyd's funeral on June 9.
"Until the law is upheld and people know they will go to jail," Sharpton said, "they're going to keep doing it, because they're protected by wickedness in high places."[...]
Search the database: Exclusive USA TODAY list of decertified officers and their records
Police Are Building Surveillance Networks of Private Security Cameras in Cities
BY Katya Schwenk, Truthout
PUBLISHED June 11, 2020
Log onto Nextdoor.com, the message board of choice for Washington, D.C.’s most affluent neighborhoods, and, alongside photos of lost keys and microwaves for sale, there are clips from security cameras.
“Man attempting to enter parked cars (possibly armed with visible gun)” reads one post by “Simon J.” from July 10, 2018, featuring a grainy image of a Black man walking beside a van. Further posts by Simon J., published in the Nextdoor forum for D.C.’s Georgetown neighborhood reveal that the “visible gun” refers only to a shape in the man’s pocket.
A string of comments from neighbors follows, each claiming they, too, have seen this man in their neighborhood. “I saw him too at 29th and N St… Scoping out cars!” one wrote. Another woman responded to say she saw him “checking out cars,” and attached an image of an unidentifiable Black man riding a bicycle down the sidewalk in broad daylight, his face turned from the camera.
Several commenters lamented that, when they had called the police, the cops did not judge the situation worthy of response. “If you tell the police he is armed, they should come,” one person suggested.
For cities across the country, encouraging security camera ownership and this kind of online sharing, often in partnership with police, is becoming a new pillar of what its advocates deem “crime prevention.” These initiatives have changed the way communities are policed — and police themselves. Now, as protests over police brutality surge in cities across the country, law enforcement is relying on these networks to identify demonstrators.
“We are not done making arrests,” Peter Newsham, D.C.’s police chief, said at a June 1 press conference after a night of unrest in Washington, in which police used tear gas on protesters. “Our city, thankfully, has a very expansive CCTV system. We have government-owned cameras. We have privately-owned cameras.” He added that police were “urging” residents and businesses to share their footage.
D.C. residents have taken up the call. “Check your cameras,” reads one June 2 Nextdoor post from a woman in northwest D.C. She wrote that she was forwarding police a video of “several young men” talking about robbing a bank during the protests, unaware they were being recorded by her home’s security camera.
Police Incentivize Private Surveillance Cameras
Washington, D.C., is a striking example of how cities can finance private surveillance. Over the past four years, D.C. has funded more than 18,000 security cameras for its residents, an investment of more than $2 million. The city’s private security camera “incentive program” passes out $500 rebates and vouchers to city residents who purchase their own camera systems — provided they register them with the city’s police department. A new abundance of security cameras now blink out from porches and back alleys. Their footage is plastered across forums like Nextdoor.
Such initiatives are proliferating across the country. Spokane, Washington, and Baltimore, Maryland, as well as several neighborhoods in Minneapolis, have launched similar rebate programs in the last two years, while San Francisco, California, Des Moines, Iowa, and Berkeley, California, all keep private security camera registries.
These registry programs typically share only the location and camera system information with police, and do not give law enforcement direct access to camera feeds. Chicago’s security camera network goes a step further, however, as once the owner registers their camera, the police and various city agencies can access it at any time without permission. The Chicago police say they command a network of 45,000 cameras around the city, though they do not disclose how many of those cameras are privately owned.
The Metropolitan Police Department (MPD) already operates hundreds of public CCTV cameras around Washington, D.C. Through the security camera registry, police now have the precise coordinates of thousands more. And unlike the CCTV system, the locations of registered private cameras are not made public.
“I can say without a doubt we’re seeing more and more cameras,” said Robert Contee, MPD assistant chief. “The rebate program has certainly helped with that.”
Contee said MPD has tracked people deemed “suspects” walking to or from crime scenes using the cameras. Checking the private camera registry to contact camera owners for footage, he said, is now commonplace in his investigations. Program reports show that footage from the cameras has been used to make arrests on charges ranging from murder to petty theft.
Demonstrators in D.C. and in cities across the country, already enduring police violence, must also contend with cameras at every turn — on businesses, on public buildings, within communities. Whitney Shepard, an organizer with the D.C.-based Stop Police Terror Project, which organizes around police violence, says that for protesters, that “is really scary.” Historically, police and the FBI have put significant resources toward tracking Black activists, from the COINTELPRO projects during the civil rights movement to the uprising in Ferguson.
“[Community surveillance] is one of the more insidious ways we witness that,” Shepard said. “In this moment, we as organizers want to push the narrative that we need to be watching out for our neighbors, not watching them. It’s unfortunate to see the leaders in D.C. not take that to heart.”
---
A Lucrative Spider Web of Surveillance
This distribution of cameras in Washington, D.C., aligns with national trends of private security camera use. Companies like Amazon Ring have targeted the country’s more affluent, suburban neighborhoods as a consumer base. Amazon markets its Ring Doorbell product not just as a video feed but as a platform — the shiny doorbell camera comes packaged with a community crime-mapping app.
Amazon Ring has forged data-sharing relationships with more than 400 police departments nationally, and has come under fire for its close relationship with law enforcement. The company has pushed police departments to promote its cameras, in some cases offering free cameras as a reward for promoting the Ring app, according to reporting by Motherboard.
Notably, companies like Ring have loose restrictions on when they can share private camera footage directly with police. According to Ring’s public information sharing policy, the company may disclose information “in connection with an investigation of suspected or actual illegal activity,” though Ring says it does not do so in the absence of a subpoena or warrant.
Amazon Ring says it has played an active role in promoting security camera subsidies across the country. Though the company does not have a public partnership with MPD, in 2016, at the camera program’s launch, Ring posted a blog post announcing it was working with the government of the District of Columbia to “get the word out.”
“Ring has already worked with cities across the US to launch similar programs,” the post reads. The company then said it was lowering the price of some of its cameras specifically for D.C. residents taking advantage of the rebate program.
Garcia said that regardless of Ring’s support, the D.C. incentive program does not recommend any particular camera for purchase. But for Amazon, the program has undoubtedly been good business.
“Ring is committed to protecting user privacy,” a company spokesperson told Truthout, adding that the company does not support programs that mandate sharing of footage “contrary to [users’] personal preference.”
Many companies have found investing in surveillance to be lucrative. In Minneapolis, where police in at least five city suburbs have partnerships with Ring, Target has been a major investor in police surveillance, spending $300,000 on CCTV cameras around the city.
On May 28, in the days following George Floyd’s death at the hands of Minneapolis police, footage of a Minneapolis Target being looted went viral. For many, the incident has come to represent popular backlash against surveillance and corporate greed.
Private security cameras are often just one piece of the ever-expanding surveillance infrastructure in cities. In Chicago, police use Stingray tracking devices to surveil cell phone locations. In New York City, police use license plate readers to monitor a car’s location in real time. And in January, MPD announced it was partnering with Nextdoor, allowing forum users like those that shared the “suspicious” photos in Georgetown to quickly forward their posts to police.
“You’ve seen that cities, by partnering with private businesses and individuals, by getting federal grants from the Department of Homeland Security and Department of Justice, have been able to build out these very massive camera networks that essentially allow police departments to have a huge portion of cities under watch all the time,” said Jake Laperruque, senior counsel at the Project on Government Oversight. “That is pretty troubling.”
For Shepard, this ever-expanding digital surveillance infrastructure is most harmful for Black communities and other communities of color.
“When we have … surveillance cameras everywhere, you have to wear an ankle bracelet, you have a drone policing your neighborhood — it’s a way to make communities that have already been displaced through ghettoization and redlining easy to police,” she said.
Of course, the growing abundance of camera footage has also proved a double-edged sword for police. The camera video of George Floyd’s death has spurred a national reckoning. It was captured, too, on nearby security cameras.
“Man attempting to enter parked cars (possibly armed with visible gun)” reads one post by “Simon J.” from July 10, 2018, featuring a grainy image of a Black man walking beside a van. Further posts by Simon J., published in the Nextdoor forum for D.C.’s Georgetown neighborhood reveal that the “visible gun” refers only to a shape in the man’s pocket.
A string of comments from neighbors follows, each claiming they, too, have seen this man in their neighborhood. “I saw him too at 29th and N St… Scoping out cars!” one wrote. Another woman responded to say she saw him “checking out cars,” and attached an image of an unidentifiable Black man riding a bicycle down the sidewalk in broad daylight, his face turned from the camera.
Several commenters lamented that, when they had called the police, the cops did not judge the situation worthy of response. “If you tell the police he is armed, they should come,” one person suggested.
For cities across the country, encouraging security camera ownership and this kind of online sharing, often in partnership with police, is becoming a new pillar of what its advocates deem “crime prevention.” These initiatives have changed the way communities are policed — and police themselves. Now, as protests over police brutality surge in cities across the country, law enforcement is relying on these networks to identify demonstrators.
“We are not done making arrests,” Peter Newsham, D.C.’s police chief, said at a June 1 press conference after a night of unrest in Washington, in which police used tear gas on protesters. “Our city, thankfully, has a very expansive CCTV system. We have government-owned cameras. We have privately-owned cameras.” He added that police were “urging” residents and businesses to share their footage.
D.C. residents have taken up the call. “Check your cameras,” reads one June 2 Nextdoor post from a woman in northwest D.C. She wrote that she was forwarding police a video of “several young men” talking about robbing a bank during the protests, unaware they were being recorded by her home’s security camera.
Police Incentivize Private Surveillance Cameras
Washington, D.C., is a striking example of how cities can finance private surveillance. Over the past four years, D.C. has funded more than 18,000 security cameras for its residents, an investment of more than $2 million. The city’s private security camera “incentive program” passes out $500 rebates and vouchers to city residents who purchase their own camera systems — provided they register them with the city’s police department. A new abundance of security cameras now blink out from porches and back alleys. Their footage is plastered across forums like Nextdoor.
Such initiatives are proliferating across the country. Spokane, Washington, and Baltimore, Maryland, as well as several neighborhoods in Minneapolis, have launched similar rebate programs in the last two years, while San Francisco, California, Des Moines, Iowa, and Berkeley, California, all keep private security camera registries.
These registry programs typically share only the location and camera system information with police, and do not give law enforcement direct access to camera feeds. Chicago’s security camera network goes a step further, however, as once the owner registers their camera, the police and various city agencies can access it at any time without permission. The Chicago police say they command a network of 45,000 cameras around the city, though they do not disclose how many of those cameras are privately owned.
The Metropolitan Police Department (MPD) already operates hundreds of public CCTV cameras around Washington, D.C. Through the security camera registry, police now have the precise coordinates of thousands more. And unlike the CCTV system, the locations of registered private cameras are not made public.
“I can say without a doubt we’re seeing more and more cameras,” said Robert Contee, MPD assistant chief. “The rebate program has certainly helped with that.”
Contee said MPD has tracked people deemed “suspects” walking to or from crime scenes using the cameras. Checking the private camera registry to contact camera owners for footage, he said, is now commonplace in his investigations. Program reports show that footage from the cameras has been used to make arrests on charges ranging from murder to petty theft.
Demonstrators in D.C. and in cities across the country, already enduring police violence, must also contend with cameras at every turn — on businesses, on public buildings, within communities. Whitney Shepard, an organizer with the D.C.-based Stop Police Terror Project, which organizes around police violence, says that for protesters, that “is really scary.” Historically, police and the FBI have put significant resources toward tracking Black activists, from the COINTELPRO projects during the civil rights movement to the uprising in Ferguson.
“[Community surveillance] is one of the more insidious ways we witness that,” Shepard said. “In this moment, we as organizers want to push the narrative that we need to be watching out for our neighbors, not watching them. It’s unfortunate to see the leaders in D.C. not take that to heart.”
---
A Lucrative Spider Web of Surveillance
This distribution of cameras in Washington, D.C., aligns with national trends of private security camera use. Companies like Amazon Ring have targeted the country’s more affluent, suburban neighborhoods as a consumer base. Amazon markets its Ring Doorbell product not just as a video feed but as a platform — the shiny doorbell camera comes packaged with a community crime-mapping app.
Amazon Ring has forged data-sharing relationships with more than 400 police departments nationally, and has come under fire for its close relationship with law enforcement. The company has pushed police departments to promote its cameras, in some cases offering free cameras as a reward for promoting the Ring app, according to reporting by Motherboard.
Notably, companies like Ring have loose restrictions on when they can share private camera footage directly with police. According to Ring’s public information sharing policy, the company may disclose information “in connection with an investigation of suspected or actual illegal activity,” though Ring says it does not do so in the absence of a subpoena or warrant.
Amazon Ring says it has played an active role in promoting security camera subsidies across the country. Though the company does not have a public partnership with MPD, in 2016, at the camera program’s launch, Ring posted a blog post announcing it was working with the government of the District of Columbia to “get the word out.”
“Ring has already worked with cities across the US to launch similar programs,” the post reads. The company then said it was lowering the price of some of its cameras specifically for D.C. residents taking advantage of the rebate program.
Garcia said that regardless of Ring’s support, the D.C. incentive program does not recommend any particular camera for purchase. But for Amazon, the program has undoubtedly been good business.
“Ring is committed to protecting user privacy,” a company spokesperson told Truthout, adding that the company does not support programs that mandate sharing of footage “contrary to [users’] personal preference.”
Many companies have found investing in surveillance to be lucrative. In Minneapolis, where police in at least five city suburbs have partnerships with Ring, Target has been a major investor in police surveillance, spending $300,000 on CCTV cameras around the city.
On May 28, in the days following George Floyd’s death at the hands of Minneapolis police, footage of a Minneapolis Target being looted went viral. For many, the incident has come to represent popular backlash against surveillance and corporate greed.
Private security cameras are often just one piece of the ever-expanding surveillance infrastructure in cities. In Chicago, police use Stingray tracking devices to surveil cell phone locations. In New York City, police use license plate readers to monitor a car’s location in real time. And in January, MPD announced it was partnering with Nextdoor, allowing forum users like those that shared the “suspicious” photos in Georgetown to quickly forward their posts to police.
“You’ve seen that cities, by partnering with private businesses and individuals, by getting federal grants from the Department of Homeland Security and Department of Justice, have been able to build out these very massive camera networks that essentially allow police departments to have a huge portion of cities under watch all the time,” said Jake Laperruque, senior counsel at the Project on Government Oversight. “That is pretty troubling.”
For Shepard, this ever-expanding digital surveillance infrastructure is most harmful for Black communities and other communities of color.
“When we have … surveillance cameras everywhere, you have to wear an ankle bracelet, you have a drone policing your neighborhood — it’s a way to make communities that have already been displaced through ghettoization and redlining easy to police,” she said.
Of course, the growing abundance of camera footage has also proved a double-edged sword for police. The camera video of George Floyd’s death has spurred a national reckoning. It was captured, too, on nearby security cameras.
Opinion - US policing
If you’re surprised by how the police are acting, you don’t understand US history
Policing in America was never created to protect and serve the masses. It can’t be reformed because it is designed for violence
Malaika Jabali - the guardian
Fri 5 Jun 2020 05.30 EDT
Amid worldwide protests against the police killing of George Floyd, activists around the US have raised demands for specific policy measures, such as defunding the police. Justifying these demands are the images emerging from the protests, with police officers ramming protesters in vehicles, indiscriminately attacking protesters with pepper spray and exerting excessive force. Local and state policing budgets have nearly tripled since 1977, despite declining crime rates. Even people unfamiliar with the police and prison abolitionist movement are starting, rightly, to envision that public spending could be used in more socially responsible ways.
But beyond the fiscal argument is an ethical one: policing in America cannot be reformed because it is designed for violence. The oppression is a feature, not a bug.
That seems like a radical sentiment only because policing is so normalized in American culture, with depictions in popular media ranging from hapless, donut-chugging dopes to tough, crime-fighting heroes. We even have a baseball team named after a police organization – the Texas Rangers.
But it’s time to look beyond the romanticization of American police and get real. Just as America glorifies the military and Wall Street, and some Americans whitewash the confederate flag and plantation homes, the history of policing is steeped in blood. In fact, the Texas Rangers are named after a group of white men of the same name who slaughtered Comanche Indians in 1841 to steal indigenous territory and expand the frontier westward. The Rangers are considered the first state police organization.
Likewise, as black people fought for their freedom from slavery by escaping north, slave patrols were established to bring us back to captivity. Many researchers consider slave patrols a direct “forerunner of modern American law enforcement”.
In northern “free” states, police precincts developed in emerging industrial cities to control what economic elites referred to as “rioting”, which was “the only effective political strategy available to exploited workers”. But, as described in the text Community Policing, this “rioting” was:
actually a primitive form of what would become union strikes against employers, [and] [t]he modern police force not only provided an organized, centralized body of men (and they were all male) legally authorized to use force to maintain order, it also provided the illusion that this order was being maintained under the rule of law, not at the whim of those with economic power.
In other words, police were never created to protect and serve the masses, and our legislative and judicial systems – from Congress to the courts to prosecutors – have made this clear. Congress’s 1850 Fugitive Slave Act, for instance, incentivized law enforcement officials to capture Africans suspected of running away from slavery, paying officials more money to return them to slave owners than to free them.
Instead of expanding the American political project to embrace black people as free citizens, our institutions made caveats to exclude them from the country’s founding principles. Historically, most black people were not considered human, let alone citizens worthy of police or constitution protections. We were property. Even free blacks were, at best, second-class citizens whose status could be demoted at any white person’s whims and who fundamentally had “no rights which the white man was bound to respect”, as the supreme court affirmed in 1856.
Modern court rulings have steadily eroded civil liberties to give police more power and permit racially discriminatory policing, convictions and sentencing. This entrenched history of violent white supremacy is a lot to attempt to reform. So just as 19th-century abolitionists set the terms of their fight beyond incremental improvements to slavery, abolitionists today assert that policing and incarceration must move past modest proposals that fundamentally maintain the system.
The billions of dollars that governments spend on increasingly militarized police can be better used to address the underlying socioeconomic conditions that contribute to police encounters. We should divert resources towards investments in mental health, public education, drug prevention programs, homelessness prevention, community-centered crime prevention and jobs development.
The immediate aftermath of George Floyd’s killing felt like another police encounter that would lead to yet another viral hashtag with little police reform. But the work of abolitionists has set the bar even higher. We should move past calls for criminal justice reform and instead make demands for freedom.
But beyond the fiscal argument is an ethical one: policing in America cannot be reformed because it is designed for violence. The oppression is a feature, not a bug.
That seems like a radical sentiment only because policing is so normalized in American culture, with depictions in popular media ranging from hapless, donut-chugging dopes to tough, crime-fighting heroes. We even have a baseball team named after a police organization – the Texas Rangers.
But it’s time to look beyond the romanticization of American police and get real. Just as America glorifies the military and Wall Street, and some Americans whitewash the confederate flag and plantation homes, the history of policing is steeped in blood. In fact, the Texas Rangers are named after a group of white men of the same name who slaughtered Comanche Indians in 1841 to steal indigenous territory and expand the frontier westward. The Rangers are considered the first state police organization.
Likewise, as black people fought for their freedom from slavery by escaping north, slave patrols were established to bring us back to captivity. Many researchers consider slave patrols a direct “forerunner of modern American law enforcement”.
In northern “free” states, police precincts developed in emerging industrial cities to control what economic elites referred to as “rioting”, which was “the only effective political strategy available to exploited workers”. But, as described in the text Community Policing, this “rioting” was:
actually a primitive form of what would become union strikes against employers, [and] [t]he modern police force not only provided an organized, centralized body of men (and they were all male) legally authorized to use force to maintain order, it also provided the illusion that this order was being maintained under the rule of law, not at the whim of those with economic power.
In other words, police were never created to protect and serve the masses, and our legislative and judicial systems – from Congress to the courts to prosecutors – have made this clear. Congress’s 1850 Fugitive Slave Act, for instance, incentivized law enforcement officials to capture Africans suspected of running away from slavery, paying officials more money to return them to slave owners than to free them.
Instead of expanding the American political project to embrace black people as free citizens, our institutions made caveats to exclude them from the country’s founding principles. Historically, most black people were not considered human, let alone citizens worthy of police or constitution protections. We were property. Even free blacks were, at best, second-class citizens whose status could be demoted at any white person’s whims and who fundamentally had “no rights which the white man was bound to respect”, as the supreme court affirmed in 1856.
Modern court rulings have steadily eroded civil liberties to give police more power and permit racially discriminatory policing, convictions and sentencing. This entrenched history of violent white supremacy is a lot to attempt to reform. So just as 19th-century abolitionists set the terms of their fight beyond incremental improvements to slavery, abolitionists today assert that policing and incarceration must move past modest proposals that fundamentally maintain the system.
The billions of dollars that governments spend on increasingly militarized police can be better used to address the underlying socioeconomic conditions that contribute to police encounters. We should divert resources towards investments in mental health, public education, drug prevention programs, homelessness prevention, community-centered crime prevention and jobs development.
The immediate aftermath of George Floyd’s killing felt like another police encounter that would lead to yet another viral hashtag with little police reform. But the work of abolitionists has set the bar even higher. We should move past calls for criminal justice reform and instead make demands for freedom.
- Malaika Jabali is a writer, attorney and activist whose first short film, Left Out, examines the economic crisis facing black midwesterners
US police have a history of violence against black people. Will it ever stop?
The bereaved and brutalized have been calling for justice for years but the Trump administration reversed Obama’s tentative steps towards reform
Oliver Laughland US southern bureau chief
the guardian
Thu 4 Jun 2020 09.28 EDT
In Ferguson, Missouri, Mike Brown’s body lay lifeless on the street for four hours after he was shot dead by a white officer. Witnesses described him holding his hands up in surrender before he was killed.
In New York City, Eric Garner told a white officer who placed him in a banned chokehold that he could not breathe before he died. He repeated the phrase 11 times.
In Cleveland, Ohio, 12-year-old Tamir Rice played on a snowy winter morning with a toy gun before he was shot dead by a white officer.
That these horrific deaths of unarmed black men and boys all occurred within four months of each other back in 2014 is no aberration. It is a cycle of American state brutality that has repeated itself year upon year, generation upon generation.
In 2015 it would be Tony Robinson, then Eric Harris, then Walter Scott, then Freddie Gray, then William Chapman, then Samuel DuBose. That some of those names have perhaps already faded from national memory is indicative of the crisis.
In 2016, I sat with Samaria Rice, mother of young Tamir, at a park bench near the site of her son’s death as she lamented: “When I see any of these murders it’s like the government is throwing more salt on an open wound and I’m not having a chance to heal.”
Then, she was referring to Alton Sterling and Philando Castile, both shot dead by police within a day of each other earlier that month.
Now, in 2020, it is George Floyd, the 46-year-old loving father and staunch community advocate, placed in a knee-to-neck restraint for almost nine minutes by a white officer in Minneapolis. He died in the same metro area as Philando Castile. He uttered the same final pleas as Eric Garner.
The nationwide unrest that follows Floyd’s death is undoubtedly more intense than in 2014; the leadership from the White House immeasurably more reckless, insensitive and life threatening.
And yet, here the country is again.
Violence against black men and women at the hands of white authority is foundational to the United States, and continues to influence its policing culture to this day.
Precursors to modern-day American police departments include violent slave patrols utilized in southern states before the civil war, then the legal enforcement of racist Black Codes, followed by Jim Crow laws. Early municipal departments in growing US cities were overwhelmingly white, and brutalized vulnerable communities routinely. Thousands of lynchings of black Americans by white vigilantes went unpunished by the judicial system. And during the civil rights era and well beyond, peaceful protest has been harshly suppressed by officers sworn to protect and serve.
Just days after I sat with Samaria Rice on that bench in Cleveland, Donald Trump accepted the Republican party’s nomination for president a few miles down the road.
Trump presented himself as the “law and order” candidate during a dark acceptance speech. The former Milwaukee sheriff, David Clarke, led the arena in a chilling round of applause for the Baltimore police officer Brian Rice, who that day had been acquitted on charges related to the death of Freddie Gray, whose spine was almost severed during his 2014 arrest. Trump thrust the issue of race and policing firmly into the culture wars he was fomenting.
Trump’s response to police violence was a marked departure from the Obama administration’s. Since Michael Brown’s death, which began a nationwide reckoning and rejuvenated the Black Lives Matter movement, Obama had used his authority to target problematic police departments, including those in Ferguson, Chicago and Baltimore, with justice department investigations.
He issued an executive order to curtail local departments’ procurement of certain military-grade equipment. He commissioned a taskforce on 21st-century policing, which memorably urged American law enforcement to move from a “warrior” to a “guardian” culture.
Although America has a sprawling, decentralized system of policing – the country has roughly 18,000 police departments each with their own use of force policy, hiring practices and oversight mechanisms making universal reform near impossible – there were at least signs of tentative progress.
And then Donald Trump became the 45th president of the United States.
Not only did he fight a PR war against those who knelt during the national anthem to pay tribute to black lives lost and stand against the structural racism underpinning it all. Now a man who called for the death penalty against five black and brown teenagers wrongfully convicted of a rape in Central Park in 1989, had the ability, with a stroke of a pen or a nod to his attorney general, Jeff Sessions, to undo any of the progress made.
The administration acted quickly. Within two months of assuming office, Sessions forced a sweeping review of court-enforceable reform packages – known as consent decrees – imposed on numerous problematic police departments. He revoked a directive, issued by the Obama administration, to end the US government’s use of private prisons – a marker of the first black president’s attempt to end the disproportionate incarceration of black and brown men. [...]
In New York City, Eric Garner told a white officer who placed him in a banned chokehold that he could not breathe before he died. He repeated the phrase 11 times.
In Cleveland, Ohio, 12-year-old Tamir Rice played on a snowy winter morning with a toy gun before he was shot dead by a white officer.
That these horrific deaths of unarmed black men and boys all occurred within four months of each other back in 2014 is no aberration. It is a cycle of American state brutality that has repeated itself year upon year, generation upon generation.
In 2015 it would be Tony Robinson, then Eric Harris, then Walter Scott, then Freddie Gray, then William Chapman, then Samuel DuBose. That some of those names have perhaps already faded from national memory is indicative of the crisis.
In 2016, I sat with Samaria Rice, mother of young Tamir, at a park bench near the site of her son’s death as she lamented: “When I see any of these murders it’s like the government is throwing more salt on an open wound and I’m not having a chance to heal.”
Then, she was referring to Alton Sterling and Philando Castile, both shot dead by police within a day of each other earlier that month.
Now, in 2020, it is George Floyd, the 46-year-old loving father and staunch community advocate, placed in a knee-to-neck restraint for almost nine minutes by a white officer in Minneapolis. He died in the same metro area as Philando Castile. He uttered the same final pleas as Eric Garner.
The nationwide unrest that follows Floyd’s death is undoubtedly more intense than in 2014; the leadership from the White House immeasurably more reckless, insensitive and life threatening.
And yet, here the country is again.
Violence against black men and women at the hands of white authority is foundational to the United States, and continues to influence its policing culture to this day.
Precursors to modern-day American police departments include violent slave patrols utilized in southern states before the civil war, then the legal enforcement of racist Black Codes, followed by Jim Crow laws. Early municipal departments in growing US cities were overwhelmingly white, and brutalized vulnerable communities routinely. Thousands of lynchings of black Americans by white vigilantes went unpunished by the judicial system. And during the civil rights era and well beyond, peaceful protest has been harshly suppressed by officers sworn to protect and serve.
Just days after I sat with Samaria Rice on that bench in Cleveland, Donald Trump accepted the Republican party’s nomination for president a few miles down the road.
Trump presented himself as the “law and order” candidate during a dark acceptance speech. The former Milwaukee sheriff, David Clarke, led the arena in a chilling round of applause for the Baltimore police officer Brian Rice, who that day had been acquitted on charges related to the death of Freddie Gray, whose spine was almost severed during his 2014 arrest. Trump thrust the issue of race and policing firmly into the culture wars he was fomenting.
Trump’s response to police violence was a marked departure from the Obama administration’s. Since Michael Brown’s death, which began a nationwide reckoning and rejuvenated the Black Lives Matter movement, Obama had used his authority to target problematic police departments, including those in Ferguson, Chicago and Baltimore, with justice department investigations.
He issued an executive order to curtail local departments’ procurement of certain military-grade equipment. He commissioned a taskforce on 21st-century policing, which memorably urged American law enforcement to move from a “warrior” to a “guardian” culture.
Although America has a sprawling, decentralized system of policing – the country has roughly 18,000 police departments each with their own use of force policy, hiring practices and oversight mechanisms making universal reform near impossible – there were at least signs of tentative progress.
And then Donald Trump became the 45th president of the United States.
Not only did he fight a PR war against those who knelt during the national anthem to pay tribute to black lives lost and stand against the structural racism underpinning it all. Now a man who called for the death penalty against five black and brown teenagers wrongfully convicted of a rape in Central Park in 1989, had the ability, with a stroke of a pen or a nod to his attorney general, Jeff Sessions, to undo any of the progress made.
The administration acted quickly. Within two months of assuming office, Sessions forced a sweeping review of court-enforceable reform packages – known as consent decrees – imposed on numerous problematic police departments. He revoked a directive, issued by the Obama administration, to end the US government’s use of private prisons – a marker of the first black president’s attempt to end the disproportionate incarceration of black and brown men. [...]
Suspected Looter Was Kneeling and Had a Hammer, Not a Gun, When Fatally Shot By Vallejo Police
By Laura Sambol • nbc bay area
Published June 3, 2020
A police shooting may provide a dangerous new spark to a community already on edge.
It was revealed in a Wednesday press conference that a Hispanic man was kneeling when a Vallejo police officer shot and killed him. The shooting early Tuesday morning happened as police tried to stop looters at a Walgreens after an hours-long crime spree.
Wednesday's updates comes after two nights of violence and destruction in the city. Some people fear this could cause even more violence in the Solano County city, while others are begging the community to protest, but do so peacefully.
The Vallejo police news conference was abruptly cut short due to an angry crowd.
Sean Monterrosa from San Francisco has been identified as the 22-year-old Hispanic man fatally shot by police. Vallejo police said he started running toward a car that just rammed into a police unit and appeared to be armed.
"This individual appeared to be running toward the black sedan, but suddenly stopped, taking a kneeling position, and placing his hands above his waist, revealing what appeared to be the butt of a handgun," Vallejo Police Chief Shawny Williams said.
Turns out it was not a gun.
Monterrosa had a 15-inch hammer tucked into his pocket of his sweatshirt.
"Due to the perceived threat, one officer fired his weapon five times from within the police vehicle through the windshield, striking the suspect once," Williams said.
Vallejo was already a community divided after the shooting death of a young black man just last year.
Willie McCoy, a 20-year-old rap artist, was asleep in his car at a Taco Bell drive-thru when six Vallejo police officer shot him to death.
For Kalicia Seymour, with the Vallejo Towards Peace group, police shootings are personal. She said police shot her uncle several years ago and nearly killed him.
"It's really traumatic. It's really sad to see people of our race and community being killed by that," Seymour said.
Meanwhile, concrete barricades surround the Vallejo Police Department. City buildings and businesses remain boarded up and closed while the city braces for another night of violence.
"To people that are protesting, to people that are looting, we all need to take a second to recoup and take a step back to think about why we are doing this, who we are fighting for," said Michaela Evuen Vallejo Towards Peace.
Police are not releasing the name of the officer involved in the shooting, but said he is an 18-year veteran.
It was revealed in a Wednesday press conference that a Hispanic man was kneeling when a Vallejo police officer shot and killed him. The shooting early Tuesday morning happened as police tried to stop looters at a Walgreens after an hours-long crime spree.
Wednesday's updates comes after two nights of violence and destruction in the city. Some people fear this could cause even more violence in the Solano County city, while others are begging the community to protest, but do so peacefully.
The Vallejo police news conference was abruptly cut short due to an angry crowd.
Sean Monterrosa from San Francisco has been identified as the 22-year-old Hispanic man fatally shot by police. Vallejo police said he started running toward a car that just rammed into a police unit and appeared to be armed.
"This individual appeared to be running toward the black sedan, but suddenly stopped, taking a kneeling position, and placing his hands above his waist, revealing what appeared to be the butt of a handgun," Vallejo Police Chief Shawny Williams said.
Turns out it was not a gun.
Monterrosa had a 15-inch hammer tucked into his pocket of his sweatshirt.
"Due to the perceived threat, one officer fired his weapon five times from within the police vehicle through the windshield, striking the suspect once," Williams said.
Vallejo was already a community divided after the shooting death of a young black man just last year.
Willie McCoy, a 20-year-old rap artist, was asleep in his car at a Taco Bell drive-thru when six Vallejo police officer shot him to death.
For Kalicia Seymour, with the Vallejo Towards Peace group, police shootings are personal. She said police shot her uncle several years ago and nearly killed him.
"It's really traumatic. It's really sad to see people of our race and community being killed by that," Seymour said.
Meanwhile, concrete barricades surround the Vallejo Police Department. City buildings and businesses remain boarded up and closed while the city braces for another night of violence.
"To people that are protesting, to people that are looting, we all need to take a second to recoup and take a step back to think about why we are doing this, who we are fighting for," said Michaela Evuen Vallejo Towards Peace.
Police are not releasing the name of the officer involved in the shooting, but said he is an 18-year veteran.
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LOUISVILLE POLICE LEFT THE BODY OF DAVID MCATEE ON THE STREET FOR 12 HOURS
Aída Chávez - the intercept
June 1, 2020, 3:05 p.m.
THE BODY OF David McAtee laid in the streets of Louisville, Kentucky, for over 12 hours on Monday. McAtee had been killed by law enforcement just after midnight on Sunday, May 31, amid days of protests over police violence nationwide. Noon the next day, protesters were gathered at the site. McAtee’s body was still there.
McAtee, the owner of a local barbecue business and a beloved community figure, was shot and killed after Louisville police and the National Guard opened fire on a crowd that had gathered at a parking lot on 26th and Broadway. As the owner of YaYa’s BBQ, McAtee was known to give police officers free meals. Bystanders and witnesses have said that the crowd was not protesting when the police arrived. Police claim that they were returning fire after the crowd began shooting.
Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear attributed the killing to the Louisville Metro Police Department and the National Guard. Police officers, Louisville Mayor Greg Fischer said, had not activated their body cameras in violation of policy. Police Chief Steve Conrad was fired as a result, but retains his pension. Acting Chief Robert Schroeder, at the press conference, seemed to walk back Beshear’s statement pending investigation. “We do not know who shot him,” he said, “we do not know if it was related to a separate incident, if it was due to the shots fired by our officers and the National Guardsmen soldiers who accompanied them.” The press conference did not address why McAtee’s body was left outside, and Louisville police did not respond to a request for comment.
Robert LeVertis Bell, a community activist who’s running for the Louisville Metro Council in the 4th District, was among the hundreds of protesters who had gathered at the scene early Monday afternoon. He said the crowd was made up mostly of members of the community, not experienced activists, who were angry and hurt. “We were already dealing with the death of Breonna Taylor,” he said, referring to the police shooting of a young black woman two months ago.
“Even if they had some sort of legitimate, procedural reason for [keeping the body at the scene] you’d think they would have in mind the trauma that they’re inflicting when they do that, especially having experienced that with the Mike Brown case in Ferguson,” Bell said. “That’s the first thing I thought, that this was terrorism… because it’s terrorizing, even if they don’t intentionally try to do it.”
Protests of police brutality around the country saw escalating violence over the weekend, with police driving vehicles into crowds and firing rubber bullets, tear gas, and flash grenades, in clashes that have gone viral on social media. Police have arrested more than 4,100 people over days of demonstrations, according to a tally from the Associated Press, and several protesters have been killed. On Saturday night in Omaha, Nebraska, Jake Gardner, a white bar owner, shot and killed James Scurlock, a 22-year-old black man, outside his establishment. On Monday, prosecutors said the man acted in self defense and would not be charged. Calvin L. Horton Jr. was shot and killed outside a pawnshop in Minneapolis. Chris Beaty, a former football player, and Dorian Murrell were also shot and killed in separate incidents in Indianapolis over the weekend, though it was not immediately clear who was responsible for either killing. A protester died in St. Louis after reportedly being dragged on the highway by a FedEx truck.
At the mayor’s press conference, Kentucky State Rep. Charles Booker, a Louisville native who is challenging Mitch McConnell for Senate in 2020, spoke for the community. “My voice is strained because I’ve been doing a lot of yelling and crying as well,” he said, and called for police officers involved in Taylor’s death to be relieved of their duties and for the investigations in Taylor’s death to be expedited. “To lose your job when someone has died at your hands is a small price to pay.”
RELATED: Louisville police chief fired after no body camera footage of shooting
Louisville Mayor Greg Fischer fired police chief Steve Conrad on Monday after learning that police officers did not record body-camera footage of the fatal shooting of David McAtee, a black man, in west Louisville in the early morning hours.
McAtee, the owner of a local barbecue business and a beloved community figure, was shot and killed after Louisville police and the National Guard opened fire on a crowd that had gathered at a parking lot on 26th and Broadway. As the owner of YaYa’s BBQ, McAtee was known to give police officers free meals. Bystanders and witnesses have said that the crowd was not protesting when the police arrived. Police claim that they were returning fire after the crowd began shooting.
Kentucky Gov. Andy Beshear attributed the killing to the Louisville Metro Police Department and the National Guard. Police officers, Louisville Mayor Greg Fischer said, had not activated their body cameras in violation of policy. Police Chief Steve Conrad was fired as a result, but retains his pension. Acting Chief Robert Schroeder, at the press conference, seemed to walk back Beshear’s statement pending investigation. “We do not know who shot him,” he said, “we do not know if it was related to a separate incident, if it was due to the shots fired by our officers and the National Guardsmen soldiers who accompanied them.” The press conference did not address why McAtee’s body was left outside, and Louisville police did not respond to a request for comment.
Robert LeVertis Bell, a community activist who’s running for the Louisville Metro Council in the 4th District, was among the hundreds of protesters who had gathered at the scene early Monday afternoon. He said the crowd was made up mostly of members of the community, not experienced activists, who were angry and hurt. “We were already dealing with the death of Breonna Taylor,” he said, referring to the police shooting of a young black woman two months ago.
“Even if they had some sort of legitimate, procedural reason for [keeping the body at the scene] you’d think they would have in mind the trauma that they’re inflicting when they do that, especially having experienced that with the Mike Brown case in Ferguson,” Bell said. “That’s the first thing I thought, that this was terrorism… because it’s terrorizing, even if they don’t intentionally try to do it.”
Protests of police brutality around the country saw escalating violence over the weekend, with police driving vehicles into crowds and firing rubber bullets, tear gas, and flash grenades, in clashes that have gone viral on social media. Police have arrested more than 4,100 people over days of demonstrations, according to a tally from the Associated Press, and several protesters have been killed. On Saturday night in Omaha, Nebraska, Jake Gardner, a white bar owner, shot and killed James Scurlock, a 22-year-old black man, outside his establishment. On Monday, prosecutors said the man acted in self defense and would not be charged. Calvin L. Horton Jr. was shot and killed outside a pawnshop in Minneapolis. Chris Beaty, a former football player, and Dorian Murrell were also shot and killed in separate incidents in Indianapolis over the weekend, though it was not immediately clear who was responsible for either killing. A protester died in St. Louis after reportedly being dragged on the highway by a FedEx truck.
At the mayor’s press conference, Kentucky State Rep. Charles Booker, a Louisville native who is challenging Mitch McConnell for Senate in 2020, spoke for the community. “My voice is strained because I’ve been doing a lot of yelling and crying as well,” he said, and called for police officers involved in Taylor’s death to be relieved of their duties and for the investigations in Taylor’s death to be expedited. “To lose your job when someone has died at your hands is a small price to pay.”
RELATED: Louisville police chief fired after no body camera footage of shooting
Louisville Mayor Greg Fischer fired police chief Steve Conrad on Monday after learning that police officers did not record body-camera footage of the fatal shooting of David McAtee, a black man, in west Louisville in the early morning hours.
DemocratSinceBirth@Demo. Underground
Opinion - George Floyd
Policing in the US is not about enforcing law. It’s about enforcing white supremacy
Police treatment of two CNN reporters at a George Floyd protest shows the US has opposite systems of justice – one for white people, one for people of color
paul butler - the guardian
Sun 31 May 2020 00.16 EDT
On Friday the CNN journalist Omar Jimenez was arrested on live television as he covered protests of police brutality in Minneapolis, Minnesota. Jimenez identifies as African American and Hispanic, and when the cops confronted him, he did just what minority parents tell their kids to do. Jimenez cooperated; he was respectful, deferential even. He said: “We can move back to where you like … We are getting out of your way … Wherever you want us, we will go.”
It didn’t matter; the police officers put handcuffs on him and led him away, and then came back to arrest his crew. Jimenez narrated his arrest as they led him away. His voice is steady. His eyes, though. Jimenez is masked so his eyes are the only clue to what he’s feeling. His eyes are perplexed and terrified. I get it. When a black or brown person goes into police custody, you never know what is going to happen. You just know that when you leave police custody, if you are lucky enough to leave, you will be diminished. That is the point.
What’s most interesting is not that Jimenez and his colleagues were released shortly thereafter without any charges filed (or even being told why they had been taken into custody). That’s what class will buy a black man in America. You don’t get it quite as bad as your lower-income brethren. Jeff Zucker, the CNN president, talked to Tim Walz, the governor of Minnesota, and the crew was quickly released. With an apology from the governor, not the cops. Cops rarely apologize, especially to black men.
But what’s most interesting is what happened to Josh Campbell, a white CNN journalist who was in the same area as Jimenez and not arrested. Campbell said his experience was the “opposite” of Jimenez’s. The cops asked him “politely to move here and there”. “A couple times I’ve moved closer than they would, like, they asked politely to move back. They didn’t pull out the handcuffs.”
It’s a cliche that the US has two systems of justice, separate and unequal, but I prefer the word Campbell used. The US has “opposite” systems of justice – one for white people and another for racial minorities, especially African Americans, Latinx and Native American people.
White progressives love to focus on class subordination (I see you, Bernie Sanders!) but there is something sticky about race. Jimenez’s professional status and calm demeanor did not stop the police from treating him like a regular black dude – the subject of their vast authority to detain and humiliate. They didn’t have an actual reason and they didn’t need one. Jimenez’s dark skin was the offense.
This is how powerful a drug white privilege is. Here we have the cops policing a rally protesting police brutality against a black man. Even in that context, when the whole world is watching figuratively, and CNN’s audience is watching literally, the cops can’t help themselves. They go all brutal lite. They play “who’s the man” even when the black man, like Jimenez, goes out of his way to show he already knows who the man is. “You are, officer, Sir.” What the cops round up are the usual suspects and the usual suspects are always black and brown.
The whole world has seen the sordid violent recording where George Floyd narrates, over 10 minutes, his own demise. Actually, there is not 10 minutes of narration because Floyd goes limp and silent after several minutes, but that does not cause former officer Chauvin to remove his knee from Floyd’s neck. The officers had received a radio run to go to a local store, where Floyd had allegedly tried to use a counterfeit $20 bill. Floyd is across the street from the store, chilling in his car with a couple of friends, when the officers approach like they are apprehending violent offenders. They order Floyd and his friends out of the car, put Floyd in handcuffs, order him to lie face down on the ground, and pin him down with their knees and hands. Floyd complains he can’t breathe. A cop responds: “Well, get up and get in the car.”
I guess that is what you call police humor.
People ask why would the police treat another human being like this, and the answer must be because they can. There are rarely consequences. US police officers kill about 1,000 people a year (compared with the UK, where in 10 years, law enforcement took a total of 23 lives) and there are rarely consequences. Since 2005, when roughly 15,000 people have been killed by US law enforcement officers, fewer than 150 have been charged with murder.
True, the officers in George Floyd’s case lost their jobs, and now face or will face criminal prosecution. This is only because of the video evidence and the high-profile protests. The reality is that, statistically, even these officers are likely to escape conviction. Of the 150 officers charged with homicide in the line of duty, the majority have been found not guilty or had charges dropped.
For the moment, we who believe in justice are supposed to be satisfied that one cop, four days after the fact, has been taken into custody, when there are multiple videos of that officer with his knee on the victim’s back as the man complains he can’t breathe.
As a black man, and as a former prosecutor, I had no idea it was so difficult to get arrested. US cops arrest about 12,000,000 people a year, but not usually each other. For the rest of us – I mean the rest of us black and brown people – we usually get arrested and charged the same day the cops decide we are guilty. The talk our parents give us about how to act around armed agents of the state is designed not so much to prevent arrests as to preserve life. It worked for Omar Jimenez.
But not for George Floyd. On the ground, dying, George Floyd pleads for his life, respectful as a person can be when he is asking for mercy from the people who are literally crushing the life out of him. He says “please”, “officer”, and calls out to his dead mother.
But the police do not remove their knees and feet and hands from Mr Floyd’s body. They don’t even stop restraining him when his body is limp and silent.
What’s to be done? Tinkering with the system makes a difference here and there but it is not enough. If a white woman was thought to have tried to use a fake $20 bill, it’s impossible to imagine the police storming her vehicle, ordering her and her friends out, placing her in handcuffs and ultimately her winding up dead. But as long as cops have that kind of power, people of color will bear the brunt. So one simple reform would be to not allow the cops to make arrests for any non-violent crime. It’s a power they can’t be trusted with, because they will abuse it.
In the end, this is not about law enforcement. It’s about enforcing white supremacy. There’s no tinkering with that, what with white supremacy being the foundation on which the country was built. The consistent big question in the quest for racial justice has been how much white supremacy is central to the identity of the US. This is what Barack Obama and Ta-Nehisi Coates argued about. If we had something approaching equal justice, would we still even be the United States? In order to accomplish that we’d have to change the constitution, which authorizes much of the police violence that communities of color complain about, and the politics which exploits white anxiety about black and brown men.
What does it mean for people of color to live in a country where, for them to have a fair shot, law and government have to be transformed? It means that we should expect more cases like Omar Jimenez and George Floyd, regardless of whether Trump or Biden wins in November.
The real problem, ultimately, is not bad apple cops, even though these four officers are rotten to the core. The real problem is demonstrated in what a bystander told the officers as they restrained him to death. “He’s human, bro.” But Floyd was not human to these officers. Enforcing the dehumanization of people of color has become, in the United States, what you call police work.
It didn’t matter; the police officers put handcuffs on him and led him away, and then came back to arrest his crew. Jimenez narrated his arrest as they led him away. His voice is steady. His eyes, though. Jimenez is masked so his eyes are the only clue to what he’s feeling. His eyes are perplexed and terrified. I get it. When a black or brown person goes into police custody, you never know what is going to happen. You just know that when you leave police custody, if you are lucky enough to leave, you will be diminished. That is the point.
What’s most interesting is not that Jimenez and his colleagues were released shortly thereafter without any charges filed (or even being told why they had been taken into custody). That’s what class will buy a black man in America. You don’t get it quite as bad as your lower-income brethren. Jeff Zucker, the CNN president, talked to Tim Walz, the governor of Minnesota, and the crew was quickly released. With an apology from the governor, not the cops. Cops rarely apologize, especially to black men.
But what’s most interesting is what happened to Josh Campbell, a white CNN journalist who was in the same area as Jimenez and not arrested. Campbell said his experience was the “opposite” of Jimenez’s. The cops asked him “politely to move here and there”. “A couple times I’ve moved closer than they would, like, they asked politely to move back. They didn’t pull out the handcuffs.”
It’s a cliche that the US has two systems of justice, separate and unequal, but I prefer the word Campbell used. The US has “opposite” systems of justice – one for white people and another for racial minorities, especially African Americans, Latinx and Native American people.
White progressives love to focus on class subordination (I see you, Bernie Sanders!) but there is something sticky about race. Jimenez’s professional status and calm demeanor did not stop the police from treating him like a regular black dude – the subject of their vast authority to detain and humiliate. They didn’t have an actual reason and they didn’t need one. Jimenez’s dark skin was the offense.
This is how powerful a drug white privilege is. Here we have the cops policing a rally protesting police brutality against a black man. Even in that context, when the whole world is watching figuratively, and CNN’s audience is watching literally, the cops can’t help themselves. They go all brutal lite. They play “who’s the man” even when the black man, like Jimenez, goes out of his way to show he already knows who the man is. “You are, officer, Sir.” What the cops round up are the usual suspects and the usual suspects are always black and brown.
The whole world has seen the sordid violent recording where George Floyd narrates, over 10 minutes, his own demise. Actually, there is not 10 minutes of narration because Floyd goes limp and silent after several minutes, but that does not cause former officer Chauvin to remove his knee from Floyd’s neck. The officers had received a radio run to go to a local store, where Floyd had allegedly tried to use a counterfeit $20 bill. Floyd is across the street from the store, chilling in his car with a couple of friends, when the officers approach like they are apprehending violent offenders. They order Floyd and his friends out of the car, put Floyd in handcuffs, order him to lie face down on the ground, and pin him down with their knees and hands. Floyd complains he can’t breathe. A cop responds: “Well, get up and get in the car.”
I guess that is what you call police humor.
People ask why would the police treat another human being like this, and the answer must be because they can. There are rarely consequences. US police officers kill about 1,000 people a year (compared with the UK, where in 10 years, law enforcement took a total of 23 lives) and there are rarely consequences. Since 2005, when roughly 15,000 people have been killed by US law enforcement officers, fewer than 150 have been charged with murder.
True, the officers in George Floyd’s case lost their jobs, and now face or will face criminal prosecution. This is only because of the video evidence and the high-profile protests. The reality is that, statistically, even these officers are likely to escape conviction. Of the 150 officers charged with homicide in the line of duty, the majority have been found not guilty or had charges dropped.
For the moment, we who believe in justice are supposed to be satisfied that one cop, four days after the fact, has been taken into custody, when there are multiple videos of that officer with his knee on the victim’s back as the man complains he can’t breathe.
As a black man, and as a former prosecutor, I had no idea it was so difficult to get arrested. US cops arrest about 12,000,000 people a year, but not usually each other. For the rest of us – I mean the rest of us black and brown people – we usually get arrested and charged the same day the cops decide we are guilty. The talk our parents give us about how to act around armed agents of the state is designed not so much to prevent arrests as to preserve life. It worked for Omar Jimenez.
But not for George Floyd. On the ground, dying, George Floyd pleads for his life, respectful as a person can be when he is asking for mercy from the people who are literally crushing the life out of him. He says “please”, “officer”, and calls out to his dead mother.
But the police do not remove their knees and feet and hands from Mr Floyd’s body. They don’t even stop restraining him when his body is limp and silent.
What’s to be done? Tinkering with the system makes a difference here and there but it is not enough. If a white woman was thought to have tried to use a fake $20 bill, it’s impossible to imagine the police storming her vehicle, ordering her and her friends out, placing her in handcuffs and ultimately her winding up dead. But as long as cops have that kind of power, people of color will bear the brunt. So one simple reform would be to not allow the cops to make arrests for any non-violent crime. It’s a power they can’t be trusted with, because they will abuse it.
In the end, this is not about law enforcement. It’s about enforcing white supremacy. There’s no tinkering with that, what with white supremacy being the foundation on which the country was built. The consistent big question in the quest for racial justice has been how much white supremacy is central to the identity of the US. This is what Barack Obama and Ta-Nehisi Coates argued about. If we had something approaching equal justice, would we still even be the United States? In order to accomplish that we’d have to change the constitution, which authorizes much of the police violence that communities of color complain about, and the politics which exploits white anxiety about black and brown men.
What does it mean for people of color to live in a country where, for them to have a fair shot, law and government have to be transformed? It means that we should expect more cases like Omar Jimenez and George Floyd, regardless of whether Trump or Biden wins in November.
The real problem, ultimately, is not bad apple cops, even though these four officers are rotten to the core. The real problem is demonstrated in what a bystander told the officers as they restrained him to death. “He’s human, bro.” But Floyd was not human to these officers. Enforcing the dehumanization of people of color has become, in the United States, what you call police work.
Police officer: It’s ‘unfortunate’ not all Black people were killed by coronavirus
May 20, 2020
By Matthew Chapman - raw story
On Wednesday, The Olympian reported that a police officer in Kaplan, Louisiana was terminated after a racist social media comment.
During a live stream of a COVID-19 press conference by Gov. John Bel Edwards, another commenter wrote, “virus that was created to kill all the BLACKS is death.” In response, Ofc. Steven Aucoin wrote “Well it didn’t work … how unfortunate.”
“The Kaplan Police Department confirmed officer Steven Aucoin’s firing in a Facebook post on May 15, saying it was ‘aware of the situation’ and dismissed Aucoin after an investigation into comments the officer made online just hours earlier,” reported Tanasia Kenney. The department issued a statement saying, “Chief [Joshua] Hardy and the Kaplan Police Department would like to apologize for this matter.”
Some residents of Kaplan defended Aucoin, with firefighter Joshua Brothers telling a local news station, “The newest update that Facebook does, it doesn’t put the comments in consecutive order like it used to. It’s not a timeline thing. Relevant newer comments might be above. Some comments aren’t listed at all.”
However, according to The Olympian, Aucoin has a history of racist posts, at one point writing, “I can’t wait until the next part of the plan is implemented and they see what’s in store for their kind.”
During a live stream of a COVID-19 press conference by Gov. John Bel Edwards, another commenter wrote, “virus that was created to kill all the BLACKS is death.” In response, Ofc. Steven Aucoin wrote “Well it didn’t work … how unfortunate.”
“The Kaplan Police Department confirmed officer Steven Aucoin’s firing in a Facebook post on May 15, saying it was ‘aware of the situation’ and dismissed Aucoin after an investigation into comments the officer made online just hours earlier,” reported Tanasia Kenney. The department issued a statement saying, “Chief [Joshua] Hardy and the Kaplan Police Department would like to apologize for this matter.”
Some residents of Kaplan defended Aucoin, with firefighter Joshua Brothers telling a local news station, “The newest update that Facebook does, it doesn’t put the comments in consecutive order like it used to. It’s not a timeline thing. Relevant newer comments might be above. Some comments aren’t listed at all.”
However, according to The Olympian, Aucoin has a history of racist posts, at one point writing, “I can’t wait until the next part of the plan is implemented and they see what’s in store for their kind.”
The racist roots of American policing: From slave patrols to traffic stops
June 4, 2019
By The Conversation - Raw Story
Outrage over racial profiling and the killing of African Americans by police officers and vigilantes in recent years helped give rise to the Black Lives Matter movement.
But tensions between the police and black communities are nothing new.
There are many precedents to the Ferguson, Missouri protests that ushered in the Black Lives Matter movement. Those protests erupted in 2014 after a police officer shot unarmed 18-year-old Michael Brown; the officer was subsequently not indicted.
The precedents include the Los Angeles riots that broke out after the 1992 acquittal of police officers for beating Rodney King. Those riots happened nearly three decades after the 1965 Watts riots, which began with Marquette Frye, an African American, being pulled over for suspected drunk driving and roughed up by the police for resisting arrest.
I’m a criminal justice researcher who often focuses on issues of race, class and crime. Through my research and from teaching a course on diversity in criminal justice, I have come to see how the roots of racism in American policing – first planted centuries ago – have not yet been fully purged.
Slave patrols
There are two historical narratives about the origins of American law enforcement.
Policing in southern slave-holding states had roots in slave patrols, squadrons made up of white volunteers empowered to use vigilante tactics to enforce laws related to slavery. They located and returned enslaved people who had escaped, crushed uprisings led by enslaved people and punished enslaved workers found or believed to have violated plantation rules.
The first slave patrols arose in South Carolina in the early 1700s. As University of Georgia social work professor Michael A. Robinson has written, by the time John Adams became the second U.S. president, every state that had not yet abolished slavery had them.
Members of slave patrols could forcefully enter anyone’s home, regardless of their race or ethnicity, based on suspicions that they were sheltering people who had escaped bondage.
The more commonly known precursors to modern law enforcement were centralized municipal police departments that began to form in the early 19th century, beginning in Boston and soon cropping up in New York City, Albany, Chicago, Philadelphia and elsewhere.
The first police forces were overwhelmingly white, male and more focused on responding to disorder than crime.
As Eastern Kentucky University criminologist Gary Potter explains, officers were expected to control a “dangerous underclass” that included African Americans, immigrants and the poor. Through the early 20th century, there were few standards for hiring or training officers.
Police corruption and violence – particularly against vulnerable people – were commonplace during the early 1900s. Additionally, the few African Americans who joined police forces were often assigned to black neighborhoods and faced discrimination on the job. In my opinion, these factors – controlling disorder, lack of adequate police training, lack of nonwhite officers and slave patrol origins – are among the forerunners of modern-day police brutality against African Americans.
Jim Crow laws
Slave patrols formally dissolved after the Civil War ended. But formerly enslaved people saw little relief from racist government policies as they promptly became subject to Black Codes.
For the next three years, these new laws specified how, when and where African Americans could work and how much they would be paid. They also restricted black voting rights, dictated how and where African Americans could travel and limited where they could live.
The ratification of the 14th Amendment in 1868 quickly made the Black Codes illegal by giving formerly enslaved blacks equal protection of laws through the Constitution. But within two decades, Jim Crow laws aimed at subjugating African Americans and denying their civil rights were enacted across southern and some northern states, replacing the Black Codes.
For about 80 years, Jim Crow laws mandated separate public spacesfor blacks and whites, such as schools, libraries, water fountains and restaurants – and enforcing them was part of the police’s job. Blacks who broke laws or violated social norms often endured police brutality.
Meanwhile, the authorities didn’t punish the perpetrators when African Americans were lynched. Nor did the judicial system hold the police accountable for failing to intervene when black people were being murdered by mobs.
Reverberating today
For the past five decades, the federal government has forbidden the use of racist regulations at the state and local level. Yet people of color are still more likely to be killed by the police than whites.
The Washington Post tracks the number of Americans killed by the police by race, gender and other characteristics. The newspaper’s database indicates that 229 out of 992 of those who died that way in 2018, 23% of the total, were black, even though only about 12% of the country is African American.
Policing’s institutional racism of decades and centuries ago still matters because policing culture has not changed as much as it could. For many African Americans, law enforcement represents a legacy of reinforced inequality in the justice system and resistance to advancement – even under pressure from the civil rights movement and its legacy.
In addition, the police disproportionately target black drivers.
When a Stanford University research team analyzed data collected between 2011 and 2017 from nearly 100 million traffic stops to look for evidence of systemic racial profiling, they found that black drivers were more likely to be pulled over and to have their cars searched than white drivers. They also found that the percentage of black drivers being stopped by police dropped after dark when a driver’s complexion is harder to see from outside the vehicle.
This persistent disparity in policing is disappointing because of progress in other regards.
There is greater understanding within the police that brutality, particularly lethal force, leads to public mistrust, and police forces are becoming more diverse.
What’s more, college students majoring in criminal justice who plan to become future law enforcement officers now frequently take “diversity in criminal justice” courses. This relatively new curriculum is designed to, among other things, make future police professionals more aware of their own biases and those of others. In my view, what these students learn in these classes will make them more attuned to the communities they serve once they enter the workforce.
In addition, law enforcement officers and leaders are being trained to recognize and minimize their own biases in New York City and other places where people of color are disproportionately stopped by the authorities and arrested.
But the persistence of racially biased policing means that unless American policing reckons with its racist roots, it is likely to keep repeating mistakes of the past. This will hinder police from fully protecting and serving the entire public.
But tensions between the police and black communities are nothing new.
There are many precedents to the Ferguson, Missouri protests that ushered in the Black Lives Matter movement. Those protests erupted in 2014 after a police officer shot unarmed 18-year-old Michael Brown; the officer was subsequently not indicted.
The precedents include the Los Angeles riots that broke out after the 1992 acquittal of police officers for beating Rodney King. Those riots happened nearly three decades after the 1965 Watts riots, which began with Marquette Frye, an African American, being pulled over for suspected drunk driving and roughed up by the police for resisting arrest.
I’m a criminal justice researcher who often focuses on issues of race, class and crime. Through my research and from teaching a course on diversity in criminal justice, I have come to see how the roots of racism in American policing – first planted centuries ago – have not yet been fully purged.
Slave patrols
There are two historical narratives about the origins of American law enforcement.
Policing in southern slave-holding states had roots in slave patrols, squadrons made up of white volunteers empowered to use vigilante tactics to enforce laws related to slavery. They located and returned enslaved people who had escaped, crushed uprisings led by enslaved people and punished enslaved workers found or believed to have violated plantation rules.
The first slave patrols arose in South Carolina in the early 1700s. As University of Georgia social work professor Michael A. Robinson has written, by the time John Adams became the second U.S. president, every state that had not yet abolished slavery had them.
Members of slave patrols could forcefully enter anyone’s home, regardless of their race or ethnicity, based on suspicions that they were sheltering people who had escaped bondage.
The more commonly known precursors to modern law enforcement were centralized municipal police departments that began to form in the early 19th century, beginning in Boston and soon cropping up in New York City, Albany, Chicago, Philadelphia and elsewhere.
The first police forces were overwhelmingly white, male and more focused on responding to disorder than crime.
As Eastern Kentucky University criminologist Gary Potter explains, officers were expected to control a “dangerous underclass” that included African Americans, immigrants and the poor. Through the early 20th century, there were few standards for hiring or training officers.
Police corruption and violence – particularly against vulnerable people – were commonplace during the early 1900s. Additionally, the few African Americans who joined police forces were often assigned to black neighborhoods and faced discrimination on the job. In my opinion, these factors – controlling disorder, lack of adequate police training, lack of nonwhite officers and slave patrol origins – are among the forerunners of modern-day police brutality against African Americans.
Jim Crow laws
Slave patrols formally dissolved after the Civil War ended. But formerly enslaved people saw little relief from racist government policies as they promptly became subject to Black Codes.
For the next three years, these new laws specified how, when and where African Americans could work and how much they would be paid. They also restricted black voting rights, dictated how and where African Americans could travel and limited where they could live.
The ratification of the 14th Amendment in 1868 quickly made the Black Codes illegal by giving formerly enslaved blacks equal protection of laws through the Constitution. But within two decades, Jim Crow laws aimed at subjugating African Americans and denying their civil rights were enacted across southern and some northern states, replacing the Black Codes.
For about 80 years, Jim Crow laws mandated separate public spacesfor blacks and whites, such as schools, libraries, water fountains and restaurants – and enforcing them was part of the police’s job. Blacks who broke laws or violated social norms often endured police brutality.
Meanwhile, the authorities didn’t punish the perpetrators when African Americans were lynched. Nor did the judicial system hold the police accountable for failing to intervene when black people were being murdered by mobs.
Reverberating today
For the past five decades, the federal government has forbidden the use of racist regulations at the state and local level. Yet people of color are still more likely to be killed by the police than whites.
The Washington Post tracks the number of Americans killed by the police by race, gender and other characteristics. The newspaper’s database indicates that 229 out of 992 of those who died that way in 2018, 23% of the total, were black, even though only about 12% of the country is African American.
Policing’s institutional racism of decades and centuries ago still matters because policing culture has not changed as much as it could. For many African Americans, law enforcement represents a legacy of reinforced inequality in the justice system and resistance to advancement – even under pressure from the civil rights movement and its legacy.
In addition, the police disproportionately target black drivers.
When a Stanford University research team analyzed data collected between 2011 and 2017 from nearly 100 million traffic stops to look for evidence of systemic racial profiling, they found that black drivers were more likely to be pulled over and to have their cars searched than white drivers. They also found that the percentage of black drivers being stopped by police dropped after dark when a driver’s complexion is harder to see from outside the vehicle.
This persistent disparity in policing is disappointing because of progress in other regards.
There is greater understanding within the police that brutality, particularly lethal force, leads to public mistrust, and police forces are becoming more diverse.
What’s more, college students majoring in criminal justice who plan to become future law enforcement officers now frequently take “diversity in criminal justice” courses. This relatively new curriculum is designed to, among other things, make future police professionals more aware of their own biases and those of others. In my view, what these students learn in these classes will make them more attuned to the communities they serve once they enter the workforce.
In addition, law enforcement officers and leaders are being trained to recognize and minimize their own biases in New York City and other places where people of color are disproportionately stopped by the authorities and arrested.
But the persistence of racially biased policing means that unless American policing reckons with its racist roots, it is likely to keep repeating mistakes of the past. This will hinder police from fully protecting and serving the entire public.
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Reasonable Force
The everyday assault on Blue Lives.
By Khalil Bendib ~ Other Words.com
